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The outcome was predetermined. The Republican response was not.
As the House spent the day making speeches, everyone knew Nancy Pelosi had the voices to impeach Donald Trump – ensuring, at the very least, that he makes it into the history books as the only president to suffer this fate twice.
But there was a lingering question as to how many GOP lawmakers would follow the lead of Liz Cheney, the third Republican, who drastically broke with her party to support impeachment with a dazzling statement about Trump’s “betrayal” by his office.
It may have been partly personal – her father, Dick Cheney, called her to the locker room to say Trump attacked her in his pre-riot rally speech – and partly a matter of conscience.
Majority Leader Steny Hoyer has repeatedly quoted Cheney in his latest comments.
In the 232-197 vote, 10 Republicans joined with every Democrat in supporting impeachment. It’s a small fraction, though probably double what it would have been without Cheney’s defection, but gave the proceedings a bipartisan flavor.
The other big surprise of the day: Minority leader Kevin McCarthy holds Trump accountable, even as he argues for a censorship resolution instead. “The president bears responsibility for Wednesday’s attack on Congress by mob rioters,” he said on the floor. “He should have immediately reported the crowd when he saw what was going on.”
McCarthy has come under fierce pressure from party members unhappy with his handling of the consequences of the assault. Clearly, some Republicans are torn between supporting their president and showing voters they want responsibility for the violent invasion of the people’s home.
And yet, it is Mitch McConnell’s maneuver that still makes Washington tremble. On Tuesday, his team disclosed to the New York Times, Fox News and other outlets that it believes Trump has committed uneasy offenses and is happy that the House is moving forward. Then CBS reported yesterday, based on “someone close to” the Republican leader, that it supports impeachment but will not comment until the House formally submits the charge.
TRUMP’S IMPAIRMENT MAY STRETCH AFTER IT LEAVES
After lighting the match, the senator had to face the smoke. McConnell issued a statement saying “While the press has been full of speculation, I have not made a final decision on how I will vote and intend to listen to the legal arguments when they are presented. in the Senate. ” He must say so, of course, or be accused of prejudging the evidence.
If McConnell ultimately accepts impeachment, it raises the possibility – for the first time, really – that 17 GOP senators could vote to condemn Trump. It would be a much easier vote if the leader of the Republican caucus, who blames the president for losing his majority, was on board.
Here is why I remain skeptical. Trump remains very popular with the grassroots, and any senator voting to condemn him would alienate part of his base and would likely face a primary challenge supported by the former president. I also don’t believe McConnell would whip the vote – meaning he would let his colleagues vote their conscience rather than press them to support the leadership line.
Watching yesterday’s debate in the House, it was striking how many MPs spoke about their personal reactions to the insurgency, with some saying they feared for their lives. These fears were very real, especially given what we have since learned about the organized nature of the siege and the intent to commit murder.
Democrat after Democrat has spoken of Trump inciting violence; Cori Bush of Missouri called him the “chief white supremacist”. Republican after Republican has called the move an unprecedented “sham,” as Texas’ Ronny Jackson put it, and an attempt at revenge.
Each side accused the other of breaking political unity. Republicans said Democrats opposed the Electoral College results for George W. Bush and Trump; Democrats said they were symbolic protests long after John Kerry and Hillary Clinton conceded.
Outside, photos showed National Guard troops, who should have been there last week, napping on the marble floor, a reminder that the Capitol remains on a war footing.
Democrats justified their urgent work – no hearing, no possibility of amending the article accusing Trump of incitement – by saying that Trump poses such a clear and present danger that he must be removed from office as soon as possible .
But that argument has been thwarted by the fact that the Senate trial will not be over until Trump is already removed from office – and the lingering confusion over when Democrats will take the case to the Upper House.
SUBSCRIBE TO HOWIE’S PODCAST MEDIA BUZZMETER, A RIFF OF THE HOTTEST STORIES OF THE DAY
Beyond the political cross-currents, it just seems strange to condemn a former president who will then be back in Mar-a-Lago. (McConnell’s office says no trials will begin until the inauguration.)
The Democrats naturally want to organize the follow-up vote that would prevent him from running again, at 78, in four years. The downside for the Dems is that all of this will distract and eclipse the incoming Biden administration, with Covid-19 now killing up to 4,400 Americans a day.
Meanwhile, Trump without Twitter released an old-fashioned statement – via email to the press – and an accompanying video orchestrated by White House aides. He said in the statement that “in light of reports of further protests, I urge that there be NO violence, NO breaking the law and NO vandalism of any kind. It’s not what I stand for, and it’s not what America stands for. “
That’s a far more positive message than Trump’s “witch-hunt” rhetoric a day earlier.
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