A new story about Trump's White House: NPR



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Robert Mueller testifies before the Congress in 2013. A redacted version of Mueller's report as a special council was published Thursday.

Brendan Smialowski / AFP / Getty Images


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Brendan Smialowski / AFP / Getty Images

Robert Mueller testifies before the Congress in 2013. A redacted version of Mueller's report as a special council was published Thursday.

Brendan Smialowski / AFP / Getty Images

The last book on President Trump's life at the White House has been published. He is as insensitive to dysfunction and deception as all previous versions of journalists, gossip and former collaborators. Maybe more.

The difference is that the president love one.

Or at least he said he likes that. And it's probably not because of the catchy title (Report on the investigation into the interference of Russia in the 2016 presidential election), or any previous work of the author, special counsel, Robert S. Mueller III.

More likely, it's the end of the story that the president likes or what he take to be the end.

"GAME OVER", said the president's review on Twitter. would have to be a catchy title – for the movie that the president could do.

But that's not the way the Mueller report ends.

This is not even the way it ends in the very first review of this 448-page publication. This is, of course, the four-page review written in March by Attorney General William Barr. This review actually indicated that the book had ended when the president had not been charged. But we had already had a spoiler alert about this because the Justice Department believes that a sitting president can not be charged. Not really a surprise there.

With respect to the charges of obstructing justice, well, we also heard about that very early. Because Barr had already written a 19-page explanation explaining why a president could not be accused of obstructing justice, which suggests significantly that Mueller should not even think about it.

It was in 2018, when Barr was a simple citizen but felt free, as former Attorney General of President George H. W. Bush, to share his strong views with the current leadership of Justice.

Few authors can choose who will provide the first exclusive review of their work, and Mueller either. This choice was made by the main character in the story, the president himself.

Trump had to choose the first performer of this future successful salesman when he chose William Barr as the new attorney general.

This choice may have been made shortly after the dismissal of his first Attorney General, former Senator Jeff Sessions. It could have been done even sooner, perhaps after hearing about Barr's 19-page memo. Suffice it to say that few cabinet appointments in this administration have worked better for the president.

Of course, many others read Mueller 's work and their critics have a less legalistic look than Barr. They tend to linger over events such as the President asked the White House lawyer to have Mueller dismissed in June 2017, shortly after Mueller began compiling his epic. Or the president saying that the lawyer to deny the order was given. Or the president tells an assistant to tell Sessions to get rid of Mueller.

As Mueller points out, none of these orders has been executed, and this disobedience may now constitute Trump's best defense against a charge of obstructing justice. This and the Department of Justice believe that a sitting president can not be accused in this way.

The interest in the report, and in particular for the parts written by Barr and the underlying documents and other evidence not yet seen, has not diminished – despite the President's attempts to give the end .

Among those who claim a chance to consider it are several relevant congressional committees. The Judiciary Committee of the House must be given special attention because that is where the hearings on an impeachment resolution will be held.

The word of order is in the air on Capitol Hill since the beginning of the investigation on Mueller, largely because the obstruction to justice was a crucial part of the charges the last two times Congress has been seriously concerned with dismissing a president.

The most recent of these events is the testimony of President Bill Clinton's grand jury in 1998 about his relationship with a White House trainee. Previously, President Richard Nixon's efforts were aimed at concealing the White House's involvement in a burglary at the Watergate offices of the National Democratic Committee.

This last case extended over the period 1972-1974, and the man who was a White House lawyer at the critical time was John Dean. Still alive and Thursday on CNN, Dean said that "the effort of obstruction" could be a crime, even if obstructive orders to subordinates were disobeyed. This is a theory of the case that other reviewers can pursue.

Ironically, the president himself has shown so much energy by commenting on earlier books on his White House. Among the best sellers of Bob Woodward Fear, peek-a-boo look inside by Cliff Sims (Vipers team) Omarosa Manigault (Unhinged) and Michael Wolff (Fire and fury) – as well as sober memoirs by former FBI leaders James Comey and Andrew McCabe.

The chaotic atmosphere described in all these books was based on eyewitness accounts, but Trump denounced them all as "fictions". Now we see pretty much the same description in the pages of Mueller and hear a lot less objection. In fact, it is astonishing to see how many journalistic reports considered "false news" in recent years now reappear in Mueller's stories – only this time as documented evidence.

Such is the difference that an author can complete his research with subpoena power, warrants, and the threat of prosecution for perjury.

The end product may not become an ideal movie script or a page-turn in the aisles of your bookstore. But Mueller's contribution to the literature of this period of history will also have an expanding readership in the immediate future.

Stay tuned for more.

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