A status adapted to the putschists | The opposition …

The process of deprivation in Venezuela has points of contact between the old Latin American military dictatorships of the seventies. For example, last Tuesday, the National Assembly presided over by Juan Guaidó, proclaimed self-proclaimed, approved a rule that bears the concise title of "Statute that governs the transition for the defense and restoration of the validity of the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela ". & # 39; In his articles, it is envisaged the project represented by Guaidó, which aims not only to dismantle the structure of social protection, but especially to control and denationalize the most productive economy of the Venezuelan economy, the oil company PDVSA state.

The status approved by the Assembly bears some similarities to the former status of the "National Reorganization Process", written by the hierarchies of the military civic dictatorship that ruled Argentina between 1976 and 1983. The The difference is that Guaidó and his people did not materialize the coup, although they act as they had already realized by dictating laws without legal value after the Supreme Court of justice declared him contempt of court. They can not apply them but they discover their goals of blow.

The opposition, which makes a fanciful reading of the current Constitution, not only justifies the proclamation of Guaidó as "president in charge", but also makes the 30-day deadline imposed by the Magna Carta to hold elections.

If Article 233 of the Constitution were respected, which the opposition was declining so much, the time allowed to Guaidó to convene new presidential elections would expire on 23 February. However, the approved "status" indicates that this period begins to run when Maduro leaves office and withdraws from the Miraflores Palace, seat of the central government. Therefore, until that does not happen, the 30 days do not begin to run and Guaidó can continue playing to become acting president.

Just in case and to give it a legal appearance, the deputies of the opposition to the National Assembly have reinterpreted Article 26, which now provides that if Nicolás Maduro does not leave the government or, as the article says, "the necessary conditions" will not be met. & # 39;, the AN will go up to Gaudió. That is, it will change from "president in charge" to provisional president, from the moment the famous periods of article 233 begin to disappear. The constitutional mandate of Maduro expired only in 2025, Guaidó could therefore remain indefinitely virtual president for the sole purpose of maintaining the pattern of permanent attack of the Bolivarian executive.

However, if Mr. Guaidó were appointed provisional president by his peers, his priority task will be to create a "national unity government", which will have to convene elections to carry out the mandate currently exercised by Maduro. That yes, this eventual unity government would have 12 months to convene "free elections", although the text leaves open the possibility that this mandate is extended.

At the same time, the wording of Article 29 is as ambiguous as it is dangerous. Opposition deputies believe, on the basis of this article, that a possible Provisional Government "may seek the help of the international community to restore state sovereignty over the territory of the Republic ". The article also states that this request for badistance must be authorized by the National Assembly, as provided for in the Constitution, which the Statute interprets and amends. However, by not specifying the type of badistance that Gaudió could claim, the possibility of a possible foreign military collaboration is open and thus justifies an invasion.

Article 34 deals with the purpose of the coup plot, namely the control of the state-owned oil company Pdvsa. In this sense, the Provisional Government should form an ad-hoc Administrative Board, which could be composed of foreign specialists who, according to the Statute, should improve the performance of the company and, most importantly, open PDVSA to foreign investments or, as we say vulgarly, privatize it in fact.

The law was designed with such impunity that the Opposition baderts that, in all the provisions dictated in the PDVSA case, "it will prevail over any other applicable standard and will guide the law. interpretation of any other formality required by the Venezuelan legal system ". .

Therefore, when Guaidó and his people speak of fugacity, it is increasingly clear that this condition has no deadline and that it intends to take economic control of Venezuela.