Tribulations, lamentations and decline of the political wing of Cambiemos

In the government, they have always despised what is called "the political wing" of Cambiemos. They won the elections being described as "los boludos" (sic) of the armed macrista, as the recognized one of the leading interpreters of the Orthodox M, the writer and journalist Hernán Iglesias Illa in the book We change, a chronicle of the campaign published once the victory won.

The large group referenced in Marcos Peña had made it clear in 2015 that it was advisable to avoid interfering with territorial armed forces, where the pbadions of power are fired and where the edges are expressed the least pleasant of the struggle for spaces, which are always finished. The communication of the campaign ran parallel to the design of the lists and the romanticism was preserved until the arrival to the government, we could say that things are not going well, when reality has insisted on contradicting history over and over again, and that the chief of staff has decided to avoid any public exhibition and to take refuge in silence.

However, "the political wing" had already lost its positions on December 10th. Looking back, you may even think that your fate was already sealed when Mauricio Macri took over the presidency, a goal for which he worked tirelessly for 10, 15 or 20 years or more.

In fact, the epitome of "political wing", Emilio Monzó, was to be composed of the Ministry of the Interior or other responsibility of the executive. But the president insisted on placing him before the Chamber of Deputies in order to to lead the negotiations with the opposition in Congress, which seemed perfectly reasonable, since the party in power was a minority and the best talent was needed to solve these wrongs.

En route, Monzó was found without any possibility of intervening in management decisions, neither territorial, nor even in the province of Buenos Aires, which has been wired by María Eugenia Vidal and her political team, who quickly concluded that they could not share power with anyone they had the intention of surviving in these wild lands.

But Monzó is not the only member of the marginalized "political wing" of Cambiemos. Of course, none of the leaders of Cambiemos wants to be put aside, a nickname that works like a toxic stain on a government this guarantees a good personal or even emotional treatment, but according to a clearly consolidated model such as the cancellation of the pbadions of power or the desire of others. The best seen is the technical profile and, in politics, domesticated.

The "political branch" is a diverse group of men and women who normally do not move in groups, but they are distinguished by a palpable fact: they are more and more external to the government, even inside and constitutive. In general, they were at the beginning of the PRO, or were incorporated in successive stages of expansion. But the triumph exposed different visions in the construction that were closed obturando to the dissidence under a credible explanation, to know that the emergencies of the direction did not allow to dedicate time to the internal discussions.

Gabriela Michetti was perhaps the first to be punished by the political wing, since it has jeopardized the goal of Macri's triumph of competing with Horacio Rodríguez Larreta during the primaries. Michetti punished many of the personalities who accompanied him, from Federico Pinedo to Daniel Chaín, through Guillermo Montenegro and Hernán Lombardi, who was the only one to be able to recycle confidence, perhaps thanks to his ability to defend the management. with a talent Macri Values.

The current mayor of Buenos Aires has not avoided mistrust. In the small world of Cambiemos, it was widely commented that when Macri became president, he was angry at him because he had learned that he had summoned a team to replace him and he did it to him. know.

If the badysis is extreme, even Maria Eugenia Vidal is a "political wing". Not to mention his chief of staff, Federico Salvai, who takes care of the back of the governor and conceives the territorial policy. In fact, few things bother Macri and Peña more than to say that the head of the governor is Rodríguez Larreta. The president will never recognize him, but people who know him say that he was very pleased with the discussion generated regarding the advancement of elections in the province of Buenos Aires, because the change of the city had to be s & # 39; Unify, which placed Rodríguez Larreta and Vidal in different paths.

In the world M, anyone who loves politics as a practice that goes beyond the algorithmic experience is "the political wing". The others are technicians. According to this paradigm, it is not necessary to sympathize with people, but to reach them with the message ultra-segmented and accurate, in the fraction of time when the voter is on the Internet. What is sought is to win, there is no time to lose with feelings. Finally, you will even visit them at home to tell them that "we are close", facing the difficulties until the transformations are made.

The M model of political construction is perfectly measurable, something that is missing from the traditional. Plus, it does not generate favors or return commitment. That's why, once Macri became president, he had to think:Why do I need Monzó, who badembled the PRO in most of the country and now thinks it's essential?

This is why the territorial armado was in the hands of the Chief of Staff and also Campaign Manager, who has no commitment with anyone and in general, he makes decisions based on semi-scientific survey information. From time to time, if it is necessary to attend an earthly pbadion, it will add to another leader, for example, Rogelio Frigerio, a "political wing" also endangered, but more orderly than that of Monzó, perhaps going to the IDB. .

Until some time ago, it could also be a game Ernesto Sanz, a radical "political wing" who has become very attached to Macrbut he never sympathized with Peña because he wanted his position. When he saw what the M model of political construction consisted of, he stepped aside and many dislikes were avoided.

When the problems intensified, Monzó and Sanz were summoned urgently to take pictures of Olivos at the top of power and show them to the red circle. But when the economy began to stabilize, they were relegated again. Does the ability to create networks of political solidarity do not seem to be considered an badet within the government? Or perhaps they are convinced that anyone who will replace Monzó (or Sanz) will be a broomstick that will sweep a lot better and will not speak as much with the media to express their disgust as the former mayor of Carlos Tejedor. And that is probably the case.

Whatever the case may be, given the definite possibility that Macri will obtain re-election, one should not wonder if the model of political construction will be sustainable in a second term, with a A notoriously hostile congress what it was up to now and a legacy of its own which will have no choice but to take charge. Perhaps he is encouraged to design another system, very different from the one that dominated this mandate, with a new base of support. There are those who say that they think about it.