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In 1953, Eisenhower became President of the United States with the promise of resolving the Korean War, mired in two years of futile struggles and negotiations while bombarding conventional arms, the hills turned into a human anthill, almost to the tunnels of the revolutionary Kim Il Sung. North America sent a secret message – those where politicians say the truth – warning the Chinese and North Koreans that, if they did not resume dialogue, they would use their nuclear arsenal.
Kim Il Sung understood this message and returned to the negotiating table to sign the ceasefire without a peace treaty that lasts until today, leaving both countries technically at war. But as a good strategist, he began to work consciously so that the American threat remains dormant for decades. Three sacrificial generations of the Kim Dynasty have focused their economic efforts on achieving the only thing that can guarantee an effective defensive shield: the atomic bomb which, oddly, is the best guarantee that there is no of war between two enemies who, if they destroy the other, automatically they would self – destruct.
The first Kim was convinced that the threat was serious, while the last Kim seems to have persuaded Trump that he had achieved his nuclear goal, perhaps reaching California. And in the middle of all this, a historic president has plunged the right-wing president, Park Park, into South Korea. Moon, his center-left, taking his place, and in front of the verbal escalation between Kim and Trump, he said that it would be better if both Koreas organize. A football world cup The US president There he saw a personal political opportunity: to pose as an international statesman and perhaps dream of an unusual Nobel Peace Prize.
The United States dropped 635,000 tons of bombs on the Korean peninsula and 32,500 tons of napalm, resulting in the death of about two million cities in North Korea. That's why, when Trump promised days of "fury and fire," in North Korea, they took it seriously. And when the Soviet Union fell, the population began to starve – in a context of trade blockade – all went in the same interventionist line that could have solidified the anti-American sentiment of the people, which Kim III – educated in Switzerland and fanatic of the NBA – has always been good at appealing to nationalism.
The second historic summit between Korea and North America took place between the French walls of the legendary Hotel Metropole in Hanoi, where Graham Green wrote his novel The Impatient American – imagined during the Vietnam War – of which an extracted sentence sums up the atmosphere. since the beginning of this meeting: "The wounds had frozen to placidity."
Trump, as always, officiated as a guest at another: he directed the situation safely and with unusual care to always please a president in mao, chubby and a little shy costume, who has everything looked as if surprised, but in the moment of truth. known to be respected.
In a brief interruption of bilateral meetings for some photos, a reporter asked Kim if she thought she was addressing the human rights issue, but Trump did not give her time to answer: "We'll talk about all the Questions".
On the same occasion, the North American seemed to test the interlocutor by going a little beyond the limits: a journalist questioned Kim about the possibility of opening an American office in Pyongyang, which did not wish to answer and proposed to Trump to withdraw from the media. the room. But the American dubbed the bet saying it sounded a good question and that he would like to hear the answer. Kim caved in saying that it would be something "welcome" and added that it was best to discuss these things privately.
But privately, the negotiations are not progressing, so much so that in the middle of the afternoon, the program announced in advance of the summit is canceled (lunch and signature of a document included) and that each president leaves unexpectedly for his hotel, where Trump gives a lecture. He stressed for the tenth time in two days that North Korea "had great potential" – wants to seduce Kim with wealth – but this time, they have not decided on an option to pbad an agreement: "it will take time". He reluctantly conceded that the biggest problem was the lifting of all sanctions: "We could not … I would like to do it properly rather than quickly".
Trump tried to hide the failure of the summit, which went no further than that of Singapore, which was a simple declaration of good intentions. "There is a vacuum," he says without much detail. And apparently, he is tall, with expectations on both sides still far apart. There are four approaches: restore diplomatic relations, sign a formal peace treaty, denuclearize the north and the south? And repatriate 5,000 American soldiers missing in action.
It would be as easy to denuclearize the south of the peninsula as to send the bombs from the United States to the home, which is quite symbolic since it can be launched from any aircraft carrier. Instead, the entire process in the north could take years, including biological weapons that could cause almost as much damage as nuclear weapons, which would impose a permanent and humiliating inspection on North Korea.
If the two presidents met in Singapore and Vietnam, it's because, just as Kim I took the threat of Eisenhower seriously, Trump believed in Kim III's message when he started its nuclear tests. North America said that with his North Korean counterpart, "we fell in love". But when they talk to each other, even mistrust seems to prevail: the commitment does not come. The atomic bomb is like a life insurance for Kim Jong Un and he will not give it up until he is absolutely sure not to be deceived. His diet, his own life and the continuation of a lineage with a communist symbology that was the cornerstone of a convenient geopolitical balance in an area where China did not wish to have US troops in its backyard would be the result of reunification – the United States, Russia and the Chinese feared a rearmament of Japan – who claimed his right against Kim's missiles – North Korea needed a credible external enemy to justify the lack of freedom and hyper-capitalist South Korea poor in social rights was a useful red ghost to justify all kinds of labor abuse in favor of industrial enterprises.
All of this began to change when Kim, a vile but skilful strategist, the subject of a global mega-harbadment, began launching missiles at sea when an unexpected political change occurred in South Korea. But the end of all this remains open until the next function. Up to now, at least on paper, everything is pretty much the one left by Eisenhower and Kim III on July 27, 1953. Korea, this extremely opposing two-sided coin frozen during the Cold War, continues to spin in the air. Without end. never fall
Julián Varsavsky is co-author of the book Corea, two extreme faces of the same nation.
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