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Mauricio Macri successfully executed the first stage of a complex diplomatic operation to move representatives of Nicolás Maduro from all multilateral credit agencies to appoint instead the delegates proposed by Juan Guaidó, interim president of Venezuela.
Macri crowned, two days ago, the expulsion of Maduro's representative to the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) as well as the Lima group and the White House looking into the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank to expel the delegates from the regime and appoint instead the experts appointed by Guaidó. In line with this diplomatic strategy, Christina Lagarde has already convened a meeting of the IMF's Executive Board to tackle this complex multilateral issue that affects Maduro and empowers President Guaidó.
The diplomatic restraint exercised by the Lima group and the express resistance of Russia and China block for the moment the military intentions of Donald Trump. The President of the United States does not rule out an armed action against Maduro – an internal state coup or armed invasion – but there is not yet an internal or external consensus to recycle the famous American story based on the Monroe Doctrine.
Trump acknowledges his political loneliness in the face of these military adventures, then decides to deploy a strong and complex diplomatic offensive that points to Maduro's isolation and economic and financial asphyxiation. The White House has frozen accounts, suspended US visas, opened countless cases of corruption against the regime's nomenclature and made arrangements to sweep the plan's representatives out of all multilateral credit agencies. Trump's list includes the IMF, the World Bank, the IDB and the Latin American Development Bank (CAF).
Nicolás Dujovne is the temporary incumbent of the IDB's Board of Governors, which includes countries that support Guaidó and countries that maintain the continuity of Maduro. The United States, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Germany, France and Spain, among other members of the IDB, consider a democratic transition in Venezuela essential, while the China, Uruguay, Italy, Mexico and Bolivia cite relevant cases. it is a legitimate president and this Venezuelan company can solve its humanitarian crisis without the intervention of the international system.
At the Lima Group summit in Bogotá, it was decided that the diplomatic offensive against Maduro in the multilateral credit agencies should begin at the IDB. Its owner, Luis Alberto Romero, participated in the deliberations of the Lima group in Bogotá and agreed to support the planned offensive in the West Wing of the White House.
First moved Guaidó, who was also in Bogotá as Venezuela's internal president. Guaidó named Ricardo Hausmann, professor of economics at Harvard, former Minister of Planning Carlos Andrés Pérez, former director of the Central Bank of Venezuela and chief economist of the IDB. Hausmann is an academic eminence recognized by the real power of Washington. His candidacy for the IDB was in line with the parameters demanded by the Lima group and his appointment initiated an unprecedented political and institutional process in diplomacy in Washington.
Maduro manages the armed forces, controls the territory, renders justice and prints the coin. Guaidó this refugee in the National Assembly and is supported by more than 60 countries around the world. However, not all of these countries can apply their vote in favor of Guaidó because they need some national institutional decisions that have not yet been taken. In this context, the IDB has become a political laboratory where representatives of the United States, China, Italy, Brazil, Canada, Argentina and Bolivia, among Other members of the Governing Council have mixed their ambitions and interests in the cause of the Venezuelan case.
With the appointment of Hausmann already announced, Chancellor Jorge Faurie, Secretary of Strategic Affairs Fulvio Pompeo, and Minister Dujovne met with Macri to develop a roadmap for the Maduro representative to leave the IDB. Dujovne had planned to do a little tour of Houston and the president decided to organize a visit to the capital of the United States.
In Washington, Dujovne met Steven Mnuchin, Treasury Secretary, David Malpbad, future President of the World Bank, Christian Lagarde, Executive Director of the IMF, and Moreno, Head of the Inter-American Development Bank. The Minister of Finance discussed with his interlocutors the situation of Argentina's adjustment plan and confirmed the importance of the Venezuelan file in DC's most powerful offices.
Mnuchin – a US representative to the IDB – Malpbad, Lagarde and Moreno supported Dujovne's decision to appoint Hausmann to replace Maduro's representative. With the support of the White House and the Lima group, Dujovne had the complex task of obtaining a quorum at the IDB to authorize the vote, then to win the necessary votes to crown the play that Macri had been beating ever since. fifth of Olivos.
Laura Jaitman as Finance MP played an important role in the G20 Buenos Aires. And now, he is responsible – still unofficially – for the Ministry of Finance's International Economic Affairs. Jaitman is known in Washington and it was very important to gather the votes to designate Hausmann in the IDB. Dujovne charged Jaitman, who negotiated the votes and the accounts. When the minister had already returned to Buenos Aires (last Friday), the former G20 deputy informed him from Washington that Maduro had been defeated at the IDB.
Lagarde received Dujovne in his IMF office. Both badyzed the economic situation of Argentina, the political landscape of the elections of October and the crisis in Venezuela. The International Monetary Fund, the IDB, the World Bank and the CAF are multilateral organizations that will be very important for the reconstruction of Venezuela. Not only because of its low rates and credits, but also to mitigate the voracity of private companies from powerful countries that intend to create companies worth millions of dollars by rebuilding a country in flames and with significant oil reserves.
For Macri, international cooperation and the reconstruction of the Venezuelan state are essential, and he has already ordered Faurie to prepare a unit of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to go to Caracas without delay. Prior to the economic meltdown, Venezuela and Argentina had excellent trade relations and Macri wanted to recover this bilateral exchange that took place when Hugo Chávez took over the Miraflores Palace.
As diplomatic pressure stresses to force a democratic transition in Venezuela, Trump, the Lima group and Guaidó's European allies will insist that populist regime representatives be removed from multilateral credit agencies. In this geopolitical framework, Lagarde has already called on the IMF's board of directors to move forward, as it has moved to the IDB.
A gesture for Guaidó who has the steep road to the palace of Miraflores.
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