Alfonsin would be with Macri? | Untold stories …

The bet is strong for this time. A roast is served with bull's eye, cuadril's tail and gizzards. Cobra who, ten years after the death of Raúl Alfonsín, on March 31, 2009, finds a radical that does not ask questions: "Don Raúl would it be with Mauricio Macri?". Of course, there is no answer. But the question leaves a little time in the shoes of Don Raúl and in the shoe store radicals.

When the vice president of the UCR, Federico Storani, listens to the PRO who says that Cambiemos has a leader and is Macri, he tends to joke: "Yes, and we have Leandro Alem, Hipólito Yrigoyen and Raúl Alfonsín".

Radicals often call on history almost as a metaphysics of politics. In the early 1990s, while Radicalism was seeking to join the Socialist International, a young radical leader from Ensenada shared a coffee with a non-radical young man interested in foreign policy.

"I'm worried," said the radical, and he really had a troubled face.

"I understand you," said the other, who wanted to move a locker. But what are you worried about exactly?

– It's as radical as I do not know what to think.

-And yes … With Olof Palme badbadinated and Felipe González more and more liberal, for you the Socialist International should not be very attractive, is not it?

-No, I'm worried about Don Hipólito.

-Now I do not understand you.

-You do not understand me because you're not radical. Hipólito Yrigoyen was a neutralist. I've studied why. He defended the right to peace of non-belligerent states. Do not we go into something that is not ours? What do you think Don Hipólito would say?

The student in foreign policy was unable to answer the question. More than that: he was unable to understand. Yrigoyen had badumed his responsibilities in the middle of the First World War, in 1916. Argentina was neutral since 2014, with Victorino of the Plaza de Presidente. Yrigoyen maintained his neutrality and – in a doctrinal advance – increased peace. Palme, the Swedish left socialist, was murdered in 1986, 70 years after the first radical government. And the coffee was shared shortly before the implosion of the Soviet Union in 1991. Could that for the radicals, or at least for the non-conservative radicals, there was something that looked like a an immanent radical idea, unaltered by time? Is it still what it is today, with the question about Alfonsin? Or when they feel that they are doing something wrong, when they feel something similar to guilt, boys are gripped by fear of spirits?

Voltage

Beyond metaphysics, on Alfonsín, there can be as many readings as readers. The looks are endless. One of them is to observe, in foreign policy, the permanent tension between reading the correlation of forces, will, triumphs, defeats and tenacity from 1982 to 1987.

Since 1982 and not 1983, Alfonsin has realistically read the Falklands War. Founder and leader of the Permanent Assembly of Human Rights, his sector, the Movement for Renewal and Change, has not given officials to the dictatorship as Ricardo's national line Balbín. He was one of the few politicians not to be excited about the military landing in the islands. After the defeat, he also saw the crack of the regime and took a clear pressure. He converted thousands of non-radicals into Alfonsinists and won Fernando de la Rúa, Balbín's chicken. Radical to the marrow and a party man, however, he came to the leadership of the UCR with a movementist technique. "Populist", would say mockers today.

In 1983, during the campaign against the Peronist Italo Lúder, he became the axis of democracy. He finished each act by reciting the preamble. He added social democracy: democracy is eaten, educated and healed. He sought and obtained part of the Peronist vote when he defined the enemy as the embodiment of a so – called pact between the union and the army. He promised to try the commanders for human rights violations while his opponent had declared that he would not re-examine the military amnesty of the army.

On October 30, he won 51.75% against 40.16. A clean victory that included the province of Buenos Aires. There was a part of the Peronist Labor vote. Radical voting was also badured in Buenos Aires, in the capital and in Córdoba, which was at the center of its strategy: the Luis León Everybody did not miss the vice-presidency for the ideological merits of Víctor Martínez. He was out of the formula because Martinez was from Córdoba.

Alfonsín took office on December 10, 1983, at the age of 56, with the certainty that the presence of the armed forces remained strong. The military party born in 1930 was wounded but not killed by the defeat at Malvinas. He arrived at the secluded Casa Rosada in the Southern Cone with the weakness of the inherited foreign debt.

He understood that there would be no liquidation of the military party without a stable democracy in the region. Uruguay was a dictatorship since 1973. Also since 1973, Augusto Pinochet has dominated life and death in Chile. Alfredo Stroessner reigned from 1954 in Paraguay. The military in Brazil since 1964. Only Bolivia had a constitutional president, Hernan Siles Zuazo.

This situation did not change until March 1985 with the return of democracy to Brazil and Uruguay. Until then, Alfonsin had focused on dismantling the worst front, that of border disputes with Chile, that a Pinochet in the middle of an economic crisis was also to appease. He negotiated with Santiago the end of the Beagle litigation. He completed it with a non-binding plebiscite on September 25, 1984. It was a gesture with great internal content. On one side, he removed from the military party a fiscal alibi and an alibi of power. On the other hand, he helped the emerging critical Peronism, on the verge of becoming a recurring Peronism, to separate from the paleojusticialism embodied by Senator Vicente Leónidas Saadi. Although not mandatory, the plebiscite gathered 70% of voters. The final peace was approved at 80% against 17%. Crushing

85

In March 1985, Alfonsín modified a public discussion on Ronald Reagan's American support for anti-Sandinista opponents, articulated with the working groups of Argentina. George Bush's father, Reagan's deputy, learned to hate that mustachioed counterpart who had fought in the White House gardens. But that did not transfer the lack of self-confidence on a destabilization plan. Washington did not unblock the foreign debt negotiation, with which it harmed the Argentine government, nor did it encourage a coup d'etat against Alfonsin. And even later, it would discourage the carapintadas of Alpe Rico. Encouraged by the democratic return to Brazil and Uruguay (March 85), the president was able to speed up the process against the military. On 22 April 1985, the Federal Chamber of Buenos Aires held the first public hearing of the Board of Appeal's trial. The turn of the civil justice had finally arrived.

The 85's ended with the death sentence of Jorge Videla and Emilio Mbadera on 9 December. A few days ago, on November 30, the Foz do Iguacu agreement was signed between Argentina and Brazil to settle mutual suspicions about possession of an atomic bomb and begin a productive integration. .

The same year 1985 was a virtuous year beyond the southern cone. Brazil, Uruguay and Argentina, together with Peru, formed the Contadora Support Group to help Mexico, Colombia, Venezuela and Panama solve the crisis in Central America. The intent of the eight was not to become a US-based intervention case, but to be a way to avoid this intervention, both direct and indirect.

The end

From 1987, wear was deposited with Raúl Alfonsín. He suffered a significant loss of credibility because of the law of obedience due to the rise of Holy Week. Alfonsin had never proposed to judge all repressors. But since Holy Week and since Due Obedience became a public seal, he restricted the lawsuit not because he had returned at the beginning, but because he had not imposed himself on the rebellion of the carapintada led by intelligence agents, ie. The torturers of the concentration camps.

The economic crisis was indomitable. He was defeated in the province of Buenos Aires by Peronism in renovation of Antonio Cafiero.

The dream of negotiating debt with Mexico and Brazil faded when creditors managed to expand the trio and fill it with other actors having completed the fifth column. This is not always more.

But even under conditions of political weakness, Alfonsin maintained its initial regional building line. Four senior officials, two of whom have already died, confirmed to Página12 in recent years that the state had used reserved intelligence funds to help the Chilean opposition, which had won the plebiscite against Pinochet in 1988, when end of the dictatorship and to co-finance the coup against Stroessner in 1989.

In the midst of the struggle between the Pro and radicalism, which is reluctant to continue in Cambiemos because he doubts that the government is feeding, President Mauricio Macri wanted to badociate with the tributes. He wrote a decaffeinated biographical note that was collected by Perfil. Just as before, he appeared as a natural descendant of the developmentalism embodied by Arturo Frondizi, now Macri would be a son of Alfonsin. He calls him "one of the greatest and most beloved flagship of our country", but he omits any real data. In the elegy of Alfonsín written by Macri, of a quality similar to that of his speech on the language in Córdoba, nothing of the story that is told here.

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