New blackout in the Venezuelan capital | The government…

From Caracas

Caracas woke up on July 23 with uncertainty caused by power outages. Most parts of the capital had already recovered the electrical system and the morning was marked by cuts of a few hours in different sectors. The day was declared no to work by the government, the subway service was turned off due to electrical instability, and the movements were caused by power outages: food purchases and royalties. ; gasoline.

At 14, the Minister of Electricity, Freddy Brito, announced the reinstatement of "100% fees in most states of the country". Less than 24 hours for Caracas and the country: the breakdown had occurred at 16:45 the day before. Although the reality of the capital contrasts with that of many states: in the first, power outages have been accounted for since the beginning of the year, while in states like Zulia, Lara or Táchira , power outages are daily.

Minister of Communication, Jorge Rodríguez, said the event was due to an attack: "The first indications received from the investigation are aimed at the existence of an electromagnetic attack aimed to affect the hydroelectric production system of Guayana, the main supplier of this service in the country ".

According to the minister, there would be a new attack against the national electricity system, as the national government had denounced the previous times, especially during the biggest power outage which began on March 7 and lasted several days. Rodriguez announced that the recovery would be quick because, after the alleged attacks, "protection and security protocols" had been implemented.

The opposition accused the government of being responsible for what happened. The same message began in the United States, where, for example, Republican Senator Marco Rubio, an operator in the strategy against Nicolás Maduro's government, said the cause of the blackout was "the regime".

There were tensions in the streets due to the widespread reduction, especially due to the power outage – coinciding with the return to homes and the gradual arrival of the night – with the consequences transportation and the uncertainties of their own members and their families. Along with that, there was calm, resignation, conversations in the corners of popular neighborhoods. Caracas showed some custom in the face of difficulty: the government has activated emergency transport services and rows of cars have been generated at places in the city where it is known that there is a telephone signal in case of power failure.

In this context, Juan Guaidó completed six months of its proclamation on July 23. He convened a public session of the National Assembly at one of the usual concentration points of anti-Chavez in Caracas. Participation in the activity was small, representative of the traditional sectors of the Venezuelan right with the absence of popular sectors.

Guaidó announced that the approval of Venezuela's accession to the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (TIAR), the Inter-American Mutual Defense Act to which Venezuela withdrew in 2012 with Bolivia, Nicaragua and Ecuador. TIAR is opening among its possibilities the request for formation of a coalition of inter-American forces to carry out a military intervention.

This approval has been a constant demand several weeks ago by the opposition sectors who see only one outcome through an action of the foreign military force. Guaidó maintained a discourse oscillating on the implications of the TIAR, considering it as a possible tool for the action of force, as well as as an instrument for purely diplomatic and economic purposes.

The approval of TIAR by a public authority in a coup attempt architecture was given as part of the Barbados dialogues that are maintained. The government and the opposition have already held four public meetings since May, two in Oslo and two on the Caribbean island, with the central mediation of the Norwegian government, which has repeatedly insisted on the need for discretionary content.

It is unclear what the possible points of the agreement would be if these goals were achieved. One of the central points of the difference lies in the permanence of Nicolás Maduro at the head of the presidency. Elliot Abrams, an American special envoy for the case of Venezuela, said in an interview last Sunday: "It is not possible for free and fair elections with Maduro to be the president of the (…) d & # 39; accept elections and allow Maduro to remain until they are equivalent to renounce the change. "

The Abrams speech not only confirms the need for Maduro not to run for presidential elections, but to withdraw before these elections. The president urged the unified socialist party of Venezuela to prepare for elections which, for several months, announced their intention to elect a new legislative power. So far, no Chavismo leader has considered the possibility of presidential elections and Diosdado Cabello, president of the National Constituent Assembly, has stated his disagreement about this possibility.

The elements are being developed simultaneously with Barbados: the outage resulting from a new attack denounced by the government, the TIAR letter, the American reconnaissance aircraft entered an international zone of Venezuelan domination without permission Friday and intercepted by two Sukhoi, the recent meeting of the Non-Aligned Movement, in which 120 governments recognized Maduro and opposed the US blockade. The dialogues do not stop the other variables which in turn serve to establish the correlation of forces for a possible agreement.