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The silence in the magnificent oval hall of the Peace Palace became more than attentive, total. Javier Ortega Smith, secretary general of the Spanish right-wing group Vox, had already thrilled the audience when he had launched something irresistible. The Spanish speaker, very convincing, explained that five years ago "25 crazy people" had founded Vox "around a table" and that today they counted fifty thousand members, three million voters, MEPs, their own bloc in the Cortes and a few. Hundreds of guards. Among the marbles, we heard our rightists dream.
Ortega Smith is a fifty-year-old man, tall and well-dressed, single and a good family lawyer in Madrid who has close ties with Argentina. He was also a youth activist in the Spanish group Falange / JONS and briefly the military command, which allowed him to photograph in a green beret. Her host in the military circle was Victoria Villarruel, the lawyer who chairs the Center for Legal Studies on Terrorism and its Victims, CELTYV, and who appears to act in public in a contrast studied with Elisa Carrió: all smiles and kindness, even when she offers the most hairy things.
The meeting was held at the invitation of the Retired Military Club, which placed their president, retired General Carlos Estevez, in the front row of the event. General, Argentine hostess and Spanish hosts were just under the shield of the Argentine Army, an institution of our state that found itself stuck in an ideological battle plan. And this is not exaggerated, because the purpose of the meeting was to define the cultural battle that the right wants to give and which, in the presence of Vox, thinks that it can win.
Villarruel, dressed in a bright yellow PRO blouse, ushered in the evening by compiling a list of modern enemies that begin with a profusion of rights. The lawyer listed the "supposed" rights to equality, ecology, "LGBT" and abortion, enemies of any order and any sense of society. For "the law", as it defined it at all times, these supposed rights mask hidden international interests that seek to alter sovereignty, dissolve societies and misguide us, that of weakness. One novelty was to hear Villarruel speak out against the rights of indigenous peoples and indigenous peoples, also defined as an attack on national sovereignty. If this seems a little imported, it is probably because it echoes the Spanish fear of "separatisms", which do not exist here.
Despite the blouse, Villarruel criticized the government of Mauricio Macri, but the tone of his observations was "from the inside", baduming that a good part of the population had voted for him. What is the sin of change? In short, do not go deep, do not disbademble what is built by the "left populism". The lawyer, as president of CELTYV, was already in trouble with the government. For example, Argentina continued to pay a relatively modest fee to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, which compensated victims of state terrorism and torturers and kidnappers, and it did not d & # 39; amnesty. Even places like ESMA were not closed.
Ortega Smith stayed out of these local andurrials, as befits a foreign visitor. But he ended up revealing something very interesting, the huge nostalgia for a supposed "order" era of that right. For the Spaniards, in politics "we must speak of love", love for friends, family, homeland. And we must restore respect to "the authority," teachers, doctors, soldiers, the state, and the homeland. In this ideal, those who know more are respected, those who have more, the flag, those who are already above. There are hierarchies and therefore order.
Spanish is a good speaker, who has long learned to strive and relax his audience and seeks to convince. The vocabulary that he uses, with so much homeland, flag and hierarchy, usually goes towards barking, with a character of obligation, but Ortega Smith presents it as a sunny ideal, a calmer society and desirable. Nothing indicates that this vocabulary is that of the long dictatorship of Franco and our olive green. There is no trace of the violence with which this order and these hierarchies were maintained.
In fact, what was striking in the evening in the military circle was the absolute absence of any mention of the army, except when it pbaded, and the deafening silence of the Catholic Church. It is as if this hierarchical and orderly world in which everyone would know that his place was without religion. This is due in part to the fact that the extreme right does not trust the current pope, partly because it has been found that the candle in the hand is a piantavotos. No more than the fear of sovereignty under attack, mention of the International Monetary Fund, whose true inspectors arched the country's sovereign accounts this week.
Juan José Gómez Centurión was one of those who listened attentively and saw another military candidate who had shown himself much better than he at the recent STEP. What was explained was the idea of Antonio Gramsci to change the common sense: fight the language "politically correct, which is actually incorrect", the standardization of "false rights", the intrusion Sex Education and the Gender Agenda In Schools This right-hand turn was done by Vox with voters who were previously hiding in the simply conservative People's Party vote. The lesson would be to radicalize those who vote for change here.
And it is the Spaniards who paradoxically put the local context on the subject: all this had to be done now "to stop the radical left that is Kirchnerism". It is that unlike Spain, Poland or Brazil, Argentina does not turn to the extreme right.
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