Noam Chomsky on the crisis of neoliberalism in …

How to ensure that a micro-minority of 1% is retained, a decade after another, accumulating more wealth than the remaining ninety-nine percent of society? Those who did know it well: (1) a massive and ubiquitous, invisible but real propaganda, such as the increase of CO2 in the atmosphere, and (2) political, economic harassment and military any other option going against the assault.

Another way is to link various conflicts and axioms without a necessary logical relationship: religion of arms and religious love, abortion and tax cuts of the richest, denial of climate change and hatred of immigrants, freedom of movement capital and patriotism, etc.

Thus, one per cent continues to reap the benefits of a whole society and history, with the necessary support of a dominant Creole elite or even (when there is an election) a significant number of those who do not belong to one per hundred

Thus, in Latin America, the options of neoliberalism, when they failed, failed because of their own mistakes and, most importantly, for the criminal economic blockade of the world's superpower. It was at this point that they did not resort to more traditional military coups to defend the freedom of the capital of the Creole minority (classist and racist) allied to the transnationals. the most powerful.

Thus, in Latin America, neoliberal impositions have failed. despite repeated floods of capital in the form of multi-million dollar loans that left no progress or development in their countries but huge debts and more poverty.

For neoliberalism, only economic success counts as success. However, this myth of economic success has not even succeeded in the economy of the countries colonized by the myth of economic success. No, on the contrary, one insists on the "proven failure" of his other options aimed at harassed, stranded and ruined countries, which is a model of political action and narrative.

Latin America is part of this wave which, in the absence of a better name, is usually called neoliberalism. This wave destroys, burns and destroys all networks of social and environmental confinement to the point of jeopardizing the survival of the planet itself and of which we reduce the economic and social consequences on the continent as a repeating story cyclically.

Although these days, attention is focused mainly on the shameful state of the seat in Ecuador and the repression of the mobilizations against the anti-popular measures of the Lenin Moreno government, a large majority of countries live in a situation of permanent threat. and uncertainty. time investors are pressing, threatening and increasing their profits.

It should not be forgotten that, at the time of writing, the response of the Ecuadorian Government has brought charges against persons who have been killed, injured and detained, and uncertainties about the exercise of censorship and curfew. But the mobilizations that are beginning to resist this humanitarian crisis, the product of policies that flatter world power and generate misery, extend from north to south. As in Colombia (headquarters of the largest number of US military bases in the hemisphere and global drug trafficking and unpunished paramilitaries), he opposes the only concrete peace process proposed for fifty years. As in Peru, where an identical mutual ignorance between two fundamental powers (executive and legislative), is considered an opposite constitutional issue, while in Venezuela (this manifesto is not interpreted as a support to his government ), the hegemonic mafia calls for intervention. military Argentina lives in picket lines facing the exponential acceleration of poverty and sudden indebtedness, while in Chile and Brazil, social inequality, the lack of protection, drug trafficking and civil and police violence that is already threatening countries like Uruguay continue to worsen reasons of proximity.

Various electoral processes are still going on in Argentina, Bolivia and Uruguay for the rest of the year. Others will continue for years. The dilemma continues to be between the narrative of one percent (elite authoritarianism, reactionary militarism, hatred of racists, nationalists, classists, resisting machismo, neomedialism, destruction of the environment in exchange of a few dollars) and the construction of a progressive, united and non-consumerist democracy that focuses on the human being and not on the wealth of a few to the detriment of the few. A society capable of building a world for all and not just for a minority chosen by a god who never chose it.

Noam Chomsky

Jorge Majfud

Manuel Castells

Emilio Cafassi