A year of presidential diplomacy

When Alberto Fernández became president, Argentina was surrounded by right-wing governments. Luis Lacalle Pou’s victory in Uruguay, beating Frente Amplio, ended the siege days before Alberto was sworn in. If the newcomer to Casa Rosada wanted to have coffee with a colleague with more or less similar ideas, he had to fly to Mexico, which is quite far away. To make matters worse, Donald Trump presided over the United States and presented himself as one of the election favorites.

A pandemic year later, the map is more promising without being exhilarating. Joe Biden beat Trump. Luis Arce obtained the presidency in Bolivia.

Good news, within the small margin available, at the White House. Of course, even the most fanatical Albertist (if such a species exists) cannot give any credit to Argentinian foreign policy in such a turn.

Many correspond to him in the democratic recovery of Bolivia. The feat was built by the leaders of the MAS, their activism, their social base. But Fernández’s determined action at the worst time also helped; when the coup plotters wanted to imprison and possibly attempt the life of former President Evo Morales and former Vice President Álvaro García Linera. Elected but without assuming the AF, he joined forces with Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO). He guaranteed Evo’s safety, arranged a hasty thriller-worthy trip. Morales was later granted asylum. He was authorized to “play politics”, it was agreed (without making a fuss) not to approach the borders with Bolivia. There, Arce’s alternative candidacy began to build, skillfully adapting to the delicate rules set by de facto president Yanine Áñez. The MAS leaders recognized the fraternal and effective participation of “Alberto”.

Fernández and Evo Morales’ walk across the bridge between La Quiaca and Villazón is the best scene in government foreign policy and a symbol of regional brotherhood.

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The dispute over ownership of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) ended in defeat, perhaps compounded by abandonment on the road by the Mexican AMLO, a so-called ally. Argentina has objected, rightly and on the basis of historical background, that the American Mauricio Claver-Carone should retain this position, which has always been reserved for Latin American countries. Trump’s Patoteada who knew how to get allied countries (an obvious and captive clientele) and deter the undecided.

Angry Republican, ally of former President Mauricio Macri, a closed enemy of the Cuban government. Claver-Carone was and remains unbeatable. AF was right to face him, but in the final race he misjudged the balance of power and the count of the allies. The election was lost, Argentina was left quite alone. Perhaps the ethics of belief and the defense of the national interest could be dealt with with more dexterity in the final stages.

The president made unintentional missteps during the infamous press conferences during the quarantine. Premature comparisons with performance in other countries (from Sweden to Chile), slips with bad information generated unnecessary and uncomfortable friction. However, AF has generated good links with peers from other states. This went against the prejudices of the Vulgate media: it did not happen in Venezuela, Iran or Cuba. She maintains daily links with the heads and heads of state of the region and central countries.

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During the three months and a bit of normalcy, Fernández made a pilgrimage to Europe and met with the German Angela Merkel, the French Emmanuel Macron, the Spaniard Pedro Sánchez. He gave the handle to the zoom from April. He organized regular conversations with colleagues to exchange knowledge, experiences and data on the plague. AF’s personal characteristics favor him in this area.

The main objective of the Paliques is to seek support for the negotiations on the external debt. Explain that Argentina wants to pay but must first develop, have years of grace.

The pandemic fell like acid rain on the territory devastated by the macrism. The dialectic has, however, given rise to international reactions different from those chosen before the 2008-2009 crisis. With the European Union at the helm, expansive policies and increased social investment have spread. A paradigm not so different from that proposed by Argentina. The Kirchnerist argument “the dead don’t pay.” Grow First ”has a stronger base and more attentive ears. Once again, without illusions.

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Venezuela is raising demands from the White House and its dependencies such as the Organization of American States (OAS). Indigenous law requires submission to the ruling party, to be lame al mango. On the other hand, members of the Frente de Todos are calling for more drastic definitions, more fiery rhetoric, a head-on confrontation with the international establishment. Alberto Fernández strikes a balance, maintaining reasonable premises that do not end up conforming to anyone. No to foreign interference or intervention in Venezuelan politics. Not knowing Juan Guaidó, the pseudo-president appointed in Washington. Promote dialogue initiatives.

The most controversial episode, domestically, was the vote in favor of the United Nations report on human rights presented and signed by former Chilean President Michelle Bachelet. There is no way to please your own strength, in that sense. This columnist understands that the government has acted well because, given Argentina’s tradition, it is shocking to disqualify a report from an international organization on human rights.

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This tight and incomplete synthesis focuses on presidential diplomacy, exercised by heads of state. One who has produced tremendous results over many years of this century, including UNASUR and various Cumbres.

With serious difficulties in speaking (even) with Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, with a weak state after four years of neo-conservatism, Fernández sought to negotiate under unfavorable conditions, give a hand to the MAS in Bolivia, achieve a good deal with private bondholders. He even indulges in simple treats like sharing a barbecue with Lacalle Pou. If we assume the real body image, that of an emerging country, impoverished, geopolitically isolated, the balance is more than interesting within the accessible.