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Dolores' prosecutor, Juan Pablo Curi, tried Thursday to join the legal-political-media alliance that is trying to conceal the cause in which the false lawyer Marcelo D'Alessio and the gang that extorted, smothered and invented Fraudulent evidence was questioned to intervene. in court cases. Curi could not question the Provincial Commission of Memory (CPM), which heads the Nobel Prize winner Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, as the agency works as an expert for more than 60 Argentinian judges, intervened in the AMIA and La Tablada cases and even received orders. of Unesco. Curi then focused on maintaining the authenticity of the files, mails, cell messages and analyzed files analyzed at D & # 39; Alessio, which has not been proven. However, these documents were confirmed by complaints and witnesses. For example, several journalists went to declare to Dolores – Eduardo Feinman, Rolando Graña, Rodrigo Alegre, among others – that they exposed the mails and the messages that Alessio had sent to them and that, of course, are those which appear on the computers. and the cell phones of the fake lawyer. The journalists were cited as witnesses, which shows that there was no imputation against them and that it is wrong to look for criminalism. The only one accused and prosecuted for extortion and coercion, in two specific cases, is Daniel Santoro, a journalist in Clarín, whom businessmen and para-governmental organizations are trying to defend.
prosecutor
Curi has made numerous submissions demanding that Judge Alejo Ramos Padilla send the file to Comodoro Py, where the accused plays the role of the people. The prosecutor is tandem with his companion, Carlos Stornelli, a rebel for eight months in this case and who even asked Alessio to carry out an illegal investigation on the ex-husband of his current companion. In the dialogues between Stornelli and D & # 39; Alessio, one considers the possibility of planting drugs to the ex-husband of the prosecutor's wife.
Despite the proceedings of Curi, Stornelli and D & # 39; Alessio, the Federal Chamber of Mar del Plata and even the Cassation confirmed Ramos Padilla at the head of the investigation. Even the Supreme Court has made gestures to support the magistrate by sending him a reinforcement of personnel.
L & # 39; authenticity
The CPM conducted a 200-page analysis of what had been found in D'Alessio's cell phones and computers, kidnapped during the search at his home. The report links emails, messages, and documents by date and subject. The agency only studied what D'Alessio owned and neither rated nor rated the journalists.
A total of eleven cases are affected in which documents such as migration forms obtained by illegal espionage, inbound and outbound victim response forms, reports of the ANSES and the 39, Afip, also obtained illegally, were also found; reports manufactured by D & # 39; Alessio with fake headers from the US Embassy and the Israel Ministry of Defense; photos and plans of drones taken illegally; Other reports from the Federal Intelligence Agency (AFI), which the Commission says can not certify authentic, but have the format of the old SIDE reports. In fact, there are many links between D'Alessio and organic and inorganic agents of AFI.
Since he had no way of questioning the expert role of the Commission, since the PMO has extensive experience in the analysis of intelligence archives, Curi tried to join the judicial-media-political choir. stating that it was not verified. The analyzed materials are authentic.
As the Commission itself maintains that some of the documents were falsified by Alessio, but they are on your computer. Including the originals with which he made the fake. But, for example, in the messages of mobile phone, in the mails and in a part of the archives, Ramos Padilla had the opportunity to confirm them through the persons to whom D'Allessio sent these mails or discussions. For example, entrepreneurs Pedro Etchebest and Mario Cifuentes received messages. the former director of Pdvesa, Gonzalo Brusa Dovat; Gabriel Traficante's customs have in their mobile phone what Alessio sent them. It was therefore a form of verification.
Some of the journalists who were based on the false lawyer went to testify in front of Dolores and presented their mobile phone as proof: Feinman, Alegre, Graña and many others. All went to court to testify and the magistrate did not charge them with anything because he did not consider that they had committed a crime. And all the material that Alessio sent them is identical to the one found in their computers and cell phones.
Santoro
The situation in Santoro is completely different and what was found in D'Alessio's computers indicates that he intervened in eight of the eleven cases of extortion, coercion and falsification of evidence by the false lawyer. Even Judge Ramos Padilla did not charge him for that, but he sued him for two cases, one of extortion and one of compulsion.
The extortion went to the Cifuentes businessman, who had an oil services company, the PAHO. Dr. Alessio asked him $ 1,200,000 to solve problems in the area of justice and kindness. Cifuentes refused and D'Alessio said, "Look tonight Animals in bulk"On April 4, 2018, Santoro appeared in this program" being mislead ": he stated that the Lula department in Brazil had been built by the construction company OPS. Brazilian construction company is OAS and OPS is the company of Cifuentes.
The next day, D'Alessio asked Cifuentes where he had received the message and the businessman said no, that he had fallen asleep. "So listen again tonight, that's the last announcement." That night, Santoro mentioned the PAHO and said the Lula department was worth $ 1,200,000, a figure that Alessio had asked Cifuentes. The same day, Clarin He published that the Lula department was worth $ 650,000.
As part of the investigation, Santoro said: "It is possible to remind your honor that it is a live program of lasting duration. an hour and a half, in which you have to have a lot of memory data in mind and talk with other top-level journalists, so we find that the error of an acronym is totally and notoriously unintentional ". This does not seem to be a good explanation for something that happened two days in a row.
On Sunday, April 8, Santoro issued a note on Cifuentes calling it "the new Lázaro Báez". The peculiarity is that this title appeared before in the computers of D & # 39; Alessio. Added to this is the fact that Santoro used two data obtained illegally by the false lawyer: Cifuentes was 52 times in Spain and owed 800 million pesos to AFIP.
Cifuentes not only wanted to force him to sell his business, but was threatening to put five kilos of drugs in his car in a car and D'Alessio took him to his truck, with the siren on, across the city from Buenos Aires, as if C & # 39; was an official car.
* The other case in which Santoro was accused was that of the former director of the Venezuelan oil company PDVSA, Gonzalo Brusa Dovat. The maneuver was to tell him that he had a court case and that he should therefore testify before Stornelli. As part of the tightening, D'Alessio brought Brusa Dovat to an interview with Santoro and he titled the note "The Pdvesa Rye", referring to the driver of the cause of the photocopies of the notebooks. The title was created by D & # 39; Alessio and is included in the annotations found. All this pressure brought Brusa Dovat to testify in front of Stornelli, then presided over by two alleged bodyguards of D 'Alessio, officially entering Comodoro Py and under the testimony of D'Alessio, while he was not there. Was not even a lawyer. The antecedent is, according to the prosecution, that the journalist already knew that D'Alessio had been accused of extortion in a previous case, that of the customs broker Gabriel Traficante.
Santoro's answer, in his investigation, developed in the following terms: "I was used", "it was a mistake", "he asked for money without my knowledge" . Arguments similar to those he used when he falsely published that Máximo Kirchner and Nilda Garré owned $ 61 million in an account in the United States. The truth is that Ramos Padilla, although the reporter intervened in eight of the eleven unlawful maneuvers discovered in D'Alessio's computers, considered that he had only elements to deal with it in these two case.
The politico-judicial-media coalition aligned with Cambiemos tries to make clear that the CPM report is a criminalization of journalism. Curi left urgently to accompany this choir based in Comodoro Py. It appears to them that an organ headed by a flawless Nobel Prize winner, famous for his honesty, who married no government, brutally exposed behind the scenes of para-state intelligence maneuvers.
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