Between fear and Nicolino | Aggression, campaigns …



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The ruling party is attacking the opposition by President Mauricio Macri, Buenos Aires Mayor Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, and Buenos Aires governor María Eugenia Vidal, the three candidates for re-election and the Front of Todos, or avoid or repel the attack.

Raúl Timerman, head of the Grupo consulting group of Opinión Pública, proposes "to differentiate between negative campaign and aggressive campaign". He thinks that today, both sides, Together for Change and the Front of All, are aggressive. "I do not remember Raúl Alfonsín so far from a campaign in which two candidates have been accused of liars, like Macri on Alberto and Alberto on Macri, and if we come to the ball, he remain five months. "

For Timerman, the campaign against fear can be very helpful. "It depends on who you are, the fear that they are coming back, or the fear of continuing, if you take the reasons why Frente de Todos voters do it, six out of eight are economic. 39 they follow is the fear of the economic situation and worsen it.The fear that they come back, they say, would be the fear of the return of corruption. "

According to a study by the Public Opinion Group, among those who would vote for the Frente de Todos, the reasons are "to have more work", "to reduce poverty", "to improve the distribution of income", "to improve pensions and pensions", "for wages to increase", "to achieve a change in the economy" and just in the end "to achieve a policy change". The reasons given by the voters of Macri-Pichetto are "to prevent them from winning Kirchnerism and the CFK", "in order to increase international investment", "to deepen democracy", "in order to reduce public corruption "," making a change in the economy "," to reduce drug trafficking "and" to reduce insecurity ".

Timerman adds, "Our special attention shows that even many of those who voted for Macri are afraid that Macri can get them out of economic distress."

L & # 39; impunity

Alberto Quevedo, sociologist and director of the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences, warns that the government has launched a campaign as dirty as dirty, as well as a "white" campaign, which would not actually be the case. "There are inventions of the scale of some public works or inventions to present as originals of this management project started many years ago.Macri is weaving a story that works as an anti-narrative of In this anti-narrative story, the data will be inflated and presented without verification, taking advantage of the enormous impunity offered by the state apparatus and the official propaganda apparatus. have little to show in economics, because everything is fine, they show works or supposed works ".

The director of Flacso emphasizes that we must pay attention to the tone of campaigns that are not government but that are related to a work climate. "The big private companies that want to help Together for Change fit into this line and it's sometimes hard to tell the difference between state advertising, that of the candidates and that of the companies."

History

Quevedo recommends doing a bit of history and remembering that dirty campaigns have not started now. "In 2015, Aníbal Fernández was the victim of Jorge Lanata's attack, which linked him to a so-called unproven drug trafficking plot," he said. The difference, according to Quevedo, is that today the campaign lasts on the part of the ruling party on behalf of the candidates themselves, and not only Macri but María Eugenia Vidal. The importance of the federal justice sectors is another difference. "In the middle of the campaign, Alberto Fernández was cited as a witness to old statements against the protocol agreement with Iran," said the researcher.

What should the candidates do? For Quevedo, as "there are a lot of actors and a multiplication of votes by the party in power, if the candidate answers one by one, the grievances will be imprisoned by a fight of roosters that scares the votes". The ideal would be the opposite. A message of this type: "We do not dirty campaign but we talk about the future". It's more or less what Macri did in 2015: "Politicians are fighting, I propose how to solve problems".

Timerman thinks that Alberto Fernández should demystify this fear. "I should publicly ask what they fear for those who say they fear the Frente de Todos." "Can any one fear that channels or CFKs speak like a plum teacher?" Fear of a system of corruption around the public works, maybe, but let's see who the defendants are, they're all prisoners, none of them could go back to the state, and those around Alberto are young people who were not part of it. of the government. "

The axes

The consultant Ricardo Rouvier badyzes that each part, Change and Front of all, has negative axes that will be used by the opponent. "One is the economic axis and the other the axis of the past, corruption and presumed Venezuelanization.The public works places of government began before the law provides.The Frente de Todos has met the schedule planned and sought to balance something that breaks with tradition: vice is the one who disposes of the votes and chooses the candidate.To balance this situation, it is necessary to find a position for Alberto.Make it known and this attitude that shows. He is seen with joy during the communication, he breaks the screen and manages to connect to the receiver. "

According to Rouvier, the ruling party's campaign "continues with the issue of public works, does not talk about the rest of the economy, tries to generate new hope and emphasizes the negativity of the adversary".

Rouvier says that at the end of all, in a possible ballot, the political force that attracts less negativity than the other will prevail. "In the end, this campaign has become a dialectic of negativities, on one side and the other." And the proposals? "I think it will come later."

Trade unions

In an interview with Marcelo Longobardi for CNN, Macri interviewed with names and first names of union leaders such as truck driver Hugo Moyano and bank Sergio Palazzo. Marta Novick, a Conicet researcher and career director at Umet, attaches importance to the charge against union leaders. "Macri attacks the unions because it goes against the historical struggles of the workers and is moving towards a model of flexibility." Behind his attack hides the labor reform to insecure the reform of employment and pensions In addition, allowing dismissal without compensation, as some employers have already suggested publicly, and reducing labor costs as if it were true that competing countries (such as Germany) had costs of lower labor, which is obviously wrong. "" If the capital-labor relationship is not understood as asymmetric, it will be impossible to understand what Macri proposes. " According to the researcher, another part of the aggression campaign "goes against the institutionality of work, which the International Labor Organization and even the International Monetary Fund define as a factor contributing to reduce inequalities ". This institutionality would consist of "centralized collective bargaining, minimum wage and labor inspection".

Marta Novick points out that "unionism is not the same as unions, because negotiating is not the same thing as bargaining collectively, that's why aggression against unions. "

Bardahl

Gastón Garriga, publisher of the book "Molecular Campaigns" and member of the communication group "Nomeolvides", proposes in front of the hate campaign what he calls "Doctrina Nicolino Locche", named after the boxer born in 1939 and died in 2005 , and nicknamed "the Untouchable", that "by dodging ridiculous rivals". Garriga led workshops "to work on empathic listening and voter recognition that fluctuates or is undecided, and then unleashes the creative potential of participants." Let's give an example: "In one of the groups, someone advanced the argument that the IMF's dollars are like a Bardahl." They put an addendum to increase the compression of an economy that Macri merged . "The question of the campaign that emerged during the workshop, said Garriga, was as follows:" If you do not buy a car melted, would you vote for a president who only knows how to put Bardahl? "

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