Brazil without government or leadership

From Rio de Janeiro

Since he has badumed the presidency of Brazil, the first day of 2019, reformed captain Jair Bolsonaro did everything a little, except to govern. Better said: since his arrival as President, Bolsonaro has not left, one day, to prove very clearly that he did not have the ability furthest away from holding the position to which Brazilian voters had occupied him. .

Nothing more typical of a being disqualified politically, morally and morally like what happened at the last carnival. Booed by all the streets of all the cities of the country, Bolsonaro propagated, in the social networks, an eschatological scene realized by two men. It was a crude attempt to demoralize the carnival, but the result was disastrous.

The video has been seen by at least three million people and has been criticized from all sides. The absolute lack of respect has confirmed that the captain is missing the expected manners of a president. The worldwide repercussion has heightened critics with the unusual initiative of the captain, provoking reactions not only to the government, but also to the financial market, with the valuation of the dollar and the loss of the stock market.

Complaints are being made even among their potential congressional allies, who are asking the belligerent captain not to be so aggressive on their social networks and profit from the popularity that remains to help spread the reforms deemed essential and unpopular, mainly that of pensions. . Among the many warnings that have been addressed to the presidency, one of them is worrisome: there will be no way to get the votes needed to impose this reform.

But there is one area of ​​government, in particular, that conceals less and less the malaise caused not only by the president, but also by his three sons and some of his ministers: the nucleus integrated by the army.

Among the most diverse levels of the government structure, there are 103 senior military personnel distributed among ministries, state governments, boards of mixed-capital companies, universities and even hospitals. And, of course, the vice president is also a general. Reformed, but general.

There was palpable uneasiness when Bolsonaro claimed that democracy is a favor society owes to the armed forces. The main spokesman for the uniform, Vice President Humberto Mourão, tried to nuance the words of the captain-president, but the disaster had already been consolidated.

The gaffes of the three sons of Bolsonaro have been the subject of severe criticism from the military, many of which were launched in public. To further disrupt the atmosphere, there are specific doubts about the relations between the presidential sons and the Rio "militias", as they are called the extermination groups that dominate much of the city .

The eccentric Foreign Minister Ernesto Araujo, a diplomat with unobtrusive career and no qualifications for the post indicated by a brainless astrologer turned into an intellectual guide of the Bolsonaro family, has been publicly placed under the tutelage of the 39-year-old. ;army.

Vice President Humberto Mourão, Vice President of the Republic, has repeatedly authorized him. What many people are asking for after two months of bad governance is when this tutelage will be extended to other ministers and even more, even to Bolsonaro itself.

The tension is evident and criticisms are multiplying in the hegemonic means of communication, the same ones that have fully supported the coup d'état institutional revoked by President Dilma Rousseff, the kleptomaniacal government of Michel Temer and the election of the captain. In addition, the sacrosanct entity called "market" is becoming increasingly reluctant towards the president.

Reclining in his family, in front of a group of ministers who take turns to produce stupidities incessantly, since 60 days under the presidency, Bolsonaro badists, without fault, with the slow corrosion of its popularity. He still has the support he needs, but he is the least approved president in his first two months since 1995.

In addition to deep irritation, military fears are growing that the disasters caused by the captain-president contaminate them about to drag their image to the public eye. They are also worried about the increasingly rapid form of emptying of the president's political capital, decisively threatening the points deemed essential to the government program largely developed by them.

The tension between two clear groups – the Bolsonaro clan and an essential element of its ministers, on the one hand, and the army and ministers considered pragmatic, on the other – has grown rapidly in recent weeks. Coincidentally, a noticeable decrease in the number of Bolsonaro fans has been detected in social networks.

There is no sign on the horizon that this scenario is changing. How long will Brazil go on without government or leadership?