Chomsky and 70 intellectuals accuse Trump of wanting to overthrow Maduro by a coup d'etat

The irruption of United States in the politics of Venezuela caused all kinds of reactions in this country and in the rest of the world. In this sense, the famous Noam Chomsky with a group of 70 intellectuals accused the president of this country of wanting to remove Nicolás Maduro through a coup d'etat. In addition, the former presidential candidate, Bernie Sanders It was by a similar path to demand that the president "not support the blows".

"The United States Government must stop interfering in Venezuela's domestic politics, especially with the aim of overthrowing the country's government. It is almost certain that the actions of the Trump administration and its allies in the hemisphere will worsen the situation in Venezuela, causing unnecessary human suffering, violence and instability, "writes the letter, which has had a considerable impact on public opinion.

The full letter plunges into the constant gulf that's the country, the social crisis and the dangers of the Trump administration causing more violence:

The political polarization of Venezuela is not new; The country has long been divided into racial and socio-economic terms. But the polarization has increased in recent years. This is partly explained by the US support for an opposition strategy aimed at overthrowing Nicolás Maduro's government by extra-electoral means. Although the opposition has been divided in this strategy, the support of the United States. UU He supported the extremist sectors in their goal of overthrowing the Maduro government through often violent demonstrations, from a coup of the military state or other ways that bypbad the ballot boxes ", a- he added.

"Under the Trump administration, aggressive rhetoric against the Venezuelan government has reached an even more extreme and threatening level, with Trump administration officials talking about a" military action "and condemning Venezuela, as well as Cuba and Nicaragua, "The problems resulting from the Venezuelan government's policy have been aggravated by the economic sanctions imposed by the United States, which is illegal according to the Organization of American States and the United Nations, as well as United States law and other international treaties and conventions.These sanctions severed the means by which the Venezuelan government was able to escape its economic recession, while causing a dramatic fall in oil and a worsening of the economic crisis, and causing the death of many people for lack of access to services. At this time, the United States and other governments continue to blame the Venezuelan government solely for the economic damage caused by the sanctions imposed by the United States.

The United States says that they do not leave Venezuela because they consider Maduro as "the ex-president"

Now, USA UU and its allies, including OAS Secretary General Luis Almagro, and Brazil's far-right President Jair Bolsonaro, have pushed Venezuela to the edge of the precipice. By recognizing the president of the National Assembly, Juan Guaido, new president of Venezuela, illegal thing under the terms of the OAS Charter, the Trump government has accelerated the political crisis in Venezuela in the hope to divide the Venezuelan army and polarize it. even more to the population, forcing her to choose her side. The obvious and sometimes stated goal is to expel Maduro by a coup. The reality is that, despite hyperinflation, scarcity and deep depression, Venezuela remains a politically polarized country. The United States and its allies must stop encouraging violence by lobbying for violent and extralegal regime change. If the Trump administration and its allies continue their reckless course in Venezuela, the most likely outcome will be bloodshed, chaos and instability. The United States should have drawn lessons from regime change companies in Iraq, Syria, Libya and its long and violent history of sponsorship regime change in Latin America. Neither party in Venezuela can simply beat the other. The army, for example, has at least 235,000 front-line members and at least 1.6 million militias. Many of these people will fight, not only on the basis of a belief in the widespread national sovereignty in Latin America, considering what appears to be an intervention led by the United States, but also to protect themselves of any possible repression the opposition overthrows the government by force.

In such situations, the only solution is a negotiated agreement, as was the case in Latin American countries, when politically polarized societies could not resolve their differences through elections. Efforts were made, such as those led by the Vatican in the fall of 2016, that had potential, but had not received the support of Washington and its allies in favor of regime change. This strategy must change so that there is a viable solution to the current crisis in Venezuela. In the interest of the Venezuelan people, the region and the principle of national sovereignty, these international actors should support negotiations between the Venezuelan government and its opponents in order to enable the country to finally emerge from its political and economic crisis.

Sanders In recent hours, Democratic Senator Bernie Sanders has also deferred from Trump to badert that "can not stand shots" o "regime changes" in Latin America, after recognizing Juan Guaidó as interim president of Venezuela. "We must learn from the past and not participate in regime changes or support state coups, as we have done in Chile, Guatemala, Brazil and the Dominican Republic," he said. Sanders, presidential candidate in 2016, in a statement released last night.

While believing that Nicolás Maduro 's government in Venezuela "engaged in a violent crackdown on Venezuelan civil society, it violated the Constitution by dissolving the National Assembly and was re – elected last year when it met with the government. fraudulent elections, "he said. "The United States has a long history of intervening inappropriately in the countries of Latin America, and we should no longer follow this path. "

The letter bears the signatures of:

• Noam Chomsky, Professor Emeritus, MIT and Laureate Professor, University of Arizona;
• Laura Carlsen, Director, Americas Program, Center for International Policy;
• Greg Grandin, professor of history at the University of New York;
• Miguel Tinker Salas, Professor of Latin American History and Chicano / Latin Studies at Pomona College;
• Sujatha Fernandes, Professor of Political Economy and Sociology at the University of Sydney;
• Nicole Phillips, Professor of Law at the University of the Foundation. Dr. Aristide Faculty of Law and Political Science and Adjunct Professor at the University of California, Hastings College of Law;
• Beatrice Pita, Lecturer, Department of Literature, University of California at San Diego;
• Margaret Power, professor of history at the Illinois Institute of Technology; Vijay Prashad, editor-in-chief of TriContinental;
• Eleanora Quijada Cervoni FHEAStaff Facilitator and EFS Mentor, Center for Higher Education, Learning and Teaching at the Australian National University;
• Luís Martin-Cabrera, Associate Professor of Latin American Studies and Literature, University of California at San Diego
• Teresa A. Meade,
• Florence B. Sherwood Professor of History and Culture, Union College
• Frederick Mills, Professor of Philosophy at Bowie State University
• Stephen Morris, Professor of Political Science and International Relations, University of the State of the Middle State
• Liisa L. North, Professor Emeritus, York University
• Paul Ortiz, Associate Professor of History, University of Florida
• Christian Parenti, Associate Professor, Department of Economics, John Jay College CUNY
• Nicole Phillips, Professor of Law at the University of the Foundation, Aristide, Faculty of Law and Political Sciences and Associate Professor of Law at the University of California, Hastings Law College.
• Beatrice Pita, Professor, Department of Literature, University of California, San Diego
• Margaret Power, professor of history at the Illinois Institute of Technology Vijay Prashad, editor-in-chief at El TriContinental
• Eleanora Quijada Cervoni FHEA, Staff Training Facilitator and Mentor of the ISC, Center for Higher Education, Learning and Teaching at the National University. ;Australia
• Walter Riley, lawyer and activist
• William I. Robinson, Professor of Sociology at the University of California at Santa Barbara Mary Roldan,
• Dorothy Epstein Professor of Latin American History, Hunter College / CUNY Graduate Center
• Karin Rosemblatt, professor of history at the University of Maryland
• Emir Sader, professor of sociology at the State University of Rio de Janeiro
• Rosaura Sánchez, Professor of Latin American Literature and Chicano Literature, University of California, San Diego
• T. M. Scruggs Jr., Professor Emeritus of the University of Iowa
• Victor Silverman, professor of history, Pomona College Brad Simpson, Associate Professor of History, University of Connecticut
• Jeb Sprague, professor at the University of Virginia
• Christy Thornton, Assistant Professor of History, Johns Hopkins Sinclair University
• S. Thomson, Associate Professor of History, New York University
• Steven Topik, professor of history at the University of California,
• Irvine Stephen Volk, professor of history emeritus, Oberlin College Kirsten Weld,
• John L. Loeb Associate Professor of Social Sciences, Department of History, Harvard University
• Kevin Young, Assistant Professor of History, University of Mbadachusetts at Amherst
• Patricio Zamorano, Latin American Studies University; Executive Director, InfoAmericas