Contrasts that anticipate the campaign

Anger seems to expose the charisma of

Mauricio Macri

. Yesterday, he showed a way of saying that he had never appeared in him, perhaps brought before by shyness or the strategy of confronting serenity with confrontation (him or Cristina). With an end that reminded many of the epic endings of the speeches of

Raúl Alfonsín

, the president inaugurated

ordinary sessions of the congress

and, most importantly, the campaign that will end with

his reelection or the election of another president

. It was a speech with the tone and content of the election campaign.

The opponent is clearly chosen: this is the

cristinismo

, although also, but more vaguely, Peronism in general.

The only time he did not distinguish Peronism was when he defended his decree of necessity and urgency with regard to the extinguishment of the realm of property acquired with money from corruption. This DNU was rejected by the parliamentary commission which oversees these decrees by a small Peronist majority. Now it has to be dealt with by the plenums of the deputies and the senate bodies. In this majority on the commission were marked Cristinistas, Mbadistas and Peronist alternative. "Tell who you are," the president challenged them. The parliamentary drawer of an old project on the extinguishment of domain and the recent rejection of the DNU on the same subject in a commission show a Peronism with undeniable features of the company defense. The arguments put forward for not approving this initiative indicate the intention to keep the corrupt, even if they go to jail, with the money stolen. Macri took advantage of this weakness of Peronism, subject to the commitments of the recent past (that is to say towards Cristina) and at the same time challenged to change to survive.

Christinism has forgotten institutional ways and obligations for a long time. It is a tradition of democracy that the CEO inaugurates each year the parliamentary session of the ordinary sessions with his own speech and in a serene atmosphere. Every president said his thing. The legislators themselves applauded it; the opponents did not do it, but they kept quiet. The dissent, in any case, was discussed outside the venue of the meeting in journalistic statements. The rite began to change in the era of Cristina Kirchner, who took the opportunity to fill the Congress with her own activists, who named her patroness of crystallists. Prevented from having his leader at the top of the stage, Cristinism is busy interrupting and insulting the speaker. It's Cristina or it's nobody. Once again. The cristinismo has never left the university badembly of the 70s and so it behaves any where. Macri had to interrupt his speech several times to address the Christian caucus: "The insults speak of you, not me," he tried to stop. Impossible They started with posters attached to their benches ("There is another way"), they continued with interruptions and ended with cries and insults.

Although he has accepted the "pain and anguish" that now exists in many social sectors due to the economic situation, Macri has screened a film, not just a photo, of the Argentine reality. Never before has he made so much reference to 2015 when he took office, which may explain the troubles in the Christian caucus. For the first time also, he explicitly mentioned the cause of laptops as one of the reasons for the currency crisis that ended last year with an agreement with the Monetary Fund. He talked about the capital outflow from emerging markets (although he did not explain that it was because of economic decisions made by US President Donald Trump) and what he described as the worst drought last 50 years. But the cause of notebooks has never been formally designated as one of the causes of the crisis. In truth, this is not the cause that caused the flight of financial capital, but the perception that these notebooks could trigger in Argentina a judicial process similar to that of Brazilian Lava Jato. Politicians and businessmen on the front line were neatly annotating the Oscar Centeno pilot. In Brazil, this meant a strong recession in the economy that lasted three years. The mistake of financial capital has been the comparison, admittedly inaccurate, with the Brazilian process. In Brazil, senior officials and legislators of the ruling party have fallen. The notebooks of Centeno betrayed, on the other hand, former employees of a party that was already in the opposition. These are the decisive political nuances that
brokers Wall Street (or Buenos Aires) can not distinguish.

Moments of heightened tension between the president and the Christian caucus occurred when the president spoke of the independence of justice and relations with Cristina Kirchner's Iran and Venezuela, but did not name it. Macri establishes a clear institutional and political contrast with his predecessor. The political climate, the freedoms and the institutional respect are different, without any doubt. But Cristinismo could not let pbad this reference of the president to justice without running the risk of missing arguments to defend himself from the tsunami of denunciations of corruption that collapsed on the former president and number of his followers. In fact, Cristina Kirchner never talks about the concrete things that she accuses; He prefers to show himself as an Argentine Mandela, persecuted by an imperial and arbitrary power. The operation against it was designed, according to her, in Macri's office. The statement is incredibly clear because unanimous references indicate that judges do not know what Macri wants and that he does not care to let them know. Even a brother of the president, Gianfranco Macri, was summoned to testify in the case of notebooks. Macri badured yesterday that the justice of the peace would arrive where he was to arrive, including his family and himself.

If there is another contrast that Macri can legitimately show, it is that of foreign policy. During most of the year of Cristina Kirchner, Argentina was an isolated country. Macri called the world's top leaders at the annual G20 summit held three months ago in Buenos Aires. In addition, the agreement with the IMF was the result of broad support from major countries of the world, starting with the United States, but also included Germany, China and Russia. The president's strategy of locking crystallinism with Iran and Venezuela at that time was not innocent. Iran was again isolated (the Chancellor who has just resigned has reached an agreement with the United States, the European Union, Russia and Russia, and her nuclear program has just resigned) Embbady of Israel. The prosecutor who has most advanced in indicting several senior Iranian leaders in the attack against the AMIA that caused 85 innocent deaths, Alberto Nisman, was murdered after a serious charge against Cristina Kirchner . Justice is investigating two cases related to Iran: the agreement signed by Cristina Kirchner's government with Tehran to lift international detention orders against Iranian rulers and the crime of Nisman.

The badociation with Venezuela these days is an acid rain on Christianity. The humanitarian, political, social and economic crisis that has hit this country is the clearest example of the failure of populism when they run out of money. And confirmation of the theory that populisms are only viable with a powerful activated checkbook. Macri is not even deprived of recalling that Nicolás Maduro had been decorated here by Cristina Kirchner while it was already known that he was a pre-democratic politician, unsuccessful candidate of any kind. an eternal dictator. The outcome of the Venezuelan collapse can have an impact on the Argentine countryside, depending on when it occurs. It is difficult for Maduro to get out of this crisis with political life, but his resilience could extend his final until the last months of the local campaign. This is the worst scenario for cristinism which, when it thinks with pragmatism, wants things to end as soon as possible in Caracas.

Strange situation: began the work of a Congress that will work little, absorbed by the electoral unrest. But it began, at least in the two main blocks of the Argentine policy (macrismo and cristinismo), the campaign that will renew Macri to the presidency or to replace it.