Corbyn wants to stop Boris | The work could …

Jeremy Corbyn, Prime Minister in September? The plan was presented on Wednesday by the same leader of the Labor Party and seemed at first glance one of the many delusional subjects of the labyrinthine saga of Brexit. Today, we just need to refine the negotiations, get the support of Liberal Democrat leader Jo Swindon, as well as a handful of MPs, to make that happen.

The plan would work like this. On September 3, at the end of the summer break for MPs, the leader of the Labor Party would submit a motion of no confidence to the government Boris Johnson. The government has a nominal majority of only one deputy, thanks to the support of the ten parliamentarians of the most reactionary party in Northern Ireland, the DUP. But in practice, it has between 20 and 40 conservative deputies opposed to its policy of leaving the European bloc with or without agreement on 31 October. Corbyn would have the support of Scottish nationalists, Welsh autonomists, the Green Party MP, some rebel Conservatives, some independents and the majority of Labor: there are still voices, but few. The proposal is to form a transitional government, under the leadership of the Labor Party, which avoids leaving the European Union without agreement and calling for general elections.

Corbyn must convince the new leader of liberal Democrats, the young and inexperienced Jo Swindon, who rejected this proposal at first. Swindon claimed Thursday morning that Corbyn did not have the support he needed, even in his own ranks, and proposed that the union government be led by Conservative Kenneth Clarke, "father of the house" (MP with more years in Parliament), or by the "mother of the House" (idem among parliamentarians), Labor Harriet Harman.

The liberal-democratic leader has received an avalanche of criticism for her position not only with regard to Labor's corbynism, but also to Scottish nationalists, Welsh, Greens, pro-European conservatives and even members of her party. . The desperation at the eventual exit of the European bloc without agreement, a strategy championed by Prime Minister Boris Johnson and his government saturated with Europhobes, is such that a former Conservative MP, an independent MP at the beginning of the As a year and integrated into the Liberal ranks this week Sarah Wollanson said that a government of Jeremy Corbyn was the lesser of the two evils ("the lesser of the two evils").

Wollanson's message was clear: Swinson needs to rethink his position. Thursday night, the Liberal Democratic leader did exactly that. In this nineteenth century traditional British policy, he wrote a letter to Corbyn – the epistolary genre reigns over letters and discussions within the historic parliament – telling him that he did not rule out a government of transition led by him to avoid Brexit. Of course, Swindon challenged him to bring together the eight Conservative MPs he would at least need to secure the vote of no confidence.

Several Conservative MPs, led by Phillip Hammond, former finance minister of Theresa May, were already open to dialogue, but without guaranteeing their support for a transitional government led by the Labor Party leader. Corbyn is at odds with any conservative (and many Labor), but by convention it is up to him, as the leader of the main opposition party, to submit the motion of censure and to direct a government of his own. national union. The law stipulates that if Boris Johnson loses the motion of censure, a period of fifteen days is granted to the same Prime Minister or to another political force to present to Queen Elizabeth II a government having a parliamentary majority.

The division is for the moment the best weapon of Boris Johnson to avoid this result. Jo Swindon may end up supporting the Labor Party leader, but some members of his party are sworn enemies of Corbyn, including a former Labor party found in liberal Democrats Chucka Ummunna. Among the conservatives willing to engage in dialogue, some, such as Caroline Spelman, have stated that although they have no problem to negotiate, they would not in any way consider voting in favor. a Corbyn government. Other Tories, such as Gutto Bebb, former Secretary of State under Theresa May, do not exclude him from support. Among the independents – the deputies who separated from the Labor Party and the Conservatives after the Brexit – there is little chance for the moment to seek support. Logic would indicate forbearance because it would be impossible for anyone to support Boris Johnson.

Corbyn's best weapons to overcome this impbade are the stopwatch and Boris Johnson. Hurry up. When Parliament resumes, it will have about eight weeks until October 31st. If no alternative solution is found, the UK will leave the default block without agreement. On the other hand, the "doctrine of shock" applied by Boris Johnson since July 24, last July, has worked miracles in the fragmentation that characterized those who oppose a Brexit without agreement.

Johnson has saturated his rabid pro-Brexit cabinet, all under the direction of the unelected senior adviser and black campaign campaigner Dominic Cummings (played by Benoît Cumberbatch in "The Brexit: The War"). uncivile ", excellent TV movie for those interested). Cummings said publicly that on October 31, the UK would leave the EU and that parliament could do nothing to avoid it.

Cummings was not wrong in his 2016 referendum strategy. Are you in this moment? Is the time of Parliament over? Johnson himself has not ruled out the possibility of "extending" the parliament (by suspending it) until 1 November to secure the block's exit, a bomb likely to burn the streets. A successful motion of censure would avoid this extreme possibility, but it will require negotiations and flexibility. Corbyn hinted that he would be willing to resign from the union government leadership as long as it would be headed by another Labor Party. Meanwhile, opponents of the "Hard Brexit" are considering a second route to avoid a departure without agreement.

In parliamentary rules, provision 14 states that the government has priority over the rest to set the agenda for the debate, but an alliance with a majority could override that bylaw and require the approval of a law prohibiting the executive to leave power. European bloc without agreement. This alternative would eliminate the reluctance that awakens Corbyn. "The practical difficulties of this way are enormous because it should go through all stages of a law for approval. Of course, if they succeed, Parliament will become the de facto government, "he told The Guardian, one of Britain's leading constitutional experts, Vernon Bogdanor.