Data that regains their optimism during the reelection

More effective so that the memory could find those who had begun to relativize what they had previously hailed was the reappearance of the violence in the unemployment of the kirchnerist syndicates directed by the Moyano. Damage has been caused in several banks, notably in Galicia and France. On Belgrano Avenue, a group of masked men attacked the JP Morgan headquarters. The reproach was absurd: destroying labor by measuring country risk, that is by comparing the performance of Argentine bonds with that of other emerging countries. The irony is that the president of the bank, Facundo Gómez Minujín, has just arrived from India, where he examined a service center in which Morgan employs 30,000 people. In Buenos Aires, he has already hired 2,000 people to try to replicate this experience. But since the day before yesterday, the question asked at the central house in New York is whether it is worthwhile to make progress with this investment in Argentina. Until last night, no official contacted the bank to express its concern or solidarity. A detail.

The strategy of "taking the street until the return of Cristina" settled in the heart of kirchnerism. Mauricio Macri generally attributes it to the social leader Juan Grabois, who denies having said this idea at a given moment. The one who proposed it the day before yesterday was CTA chief Pablo Micheli.

The Kirchner mobilization with greater symbolic density was one that reached the Venezuelan embbady to harbad the exiles of that country who protested against the dictatorship of Maduro. This adherence to a regime backed by other autocracies, such as those of Xi Jinping or Vladimir Putin, significantly restricts Cristina Kirchner's margin to seduce the independent electorate. In fact, she was locked up in the madurismo since she had interned her daughter, Florencia, to Cuba. If Alberto Fernández dreamed of a reconciliation between his boss and the US authorities, this closing shows that his influence tends to be zero.

In addition to benefiting from these international badociations, Macri indirectly benefits from the incredible clumsiness with which Donald Trump moves to Venezuela. Its national security advisor, John Bolton, said that the Minister of Defense, Vladimir Padrino; the judge of the Court, Maikel Moreno, and the chief of the presidential guard, Iván Hernández Dala, comply by abandoning Maduro, as they would have promised to the opposition these last months. The demand is unusual. First, because it prevents the United States from intervening in the process, which weakens the rivals of Chavismo. Secondly, because he seems to admit that the White House has been deceived for months by these three Venezuelans. Thirdly, because from now on no one will be encouraged to conspire with the opposition for fear that Washington will leave it in evidence. Trump's policy in Venezuela is an endless display of imperfections.

These frustrations make the Trump government continue to appreciate the continuity of Cambiemos in Argentina. It is impossible to understand the relationship with the IMF without recording this badessment. The institution headed by Christine Lagarde delivered one by one the dogmas of her initial recipe as a result of a decision of the powers that most influence her yearbook: we must prevent the return of Kirnerism, which is read as the Argentine version of Chavismo. The promises made by Cristina Kirchner's economists to respect the payment of the debt if they came to power did not seem conclusive in the face of this political principle.

Authorization to intervene in the field of non-intervention exchange stems from this approach. This novelty aims to fix the dollar with an electoral criterion. Many experts celebrated the new agreement with the Fund. A JP Morgan report signed by Carlos Carranza, Robert Habib and Lara Bes suggests that the new rules, the abundant exchange supply of exporters and the buyout of debt by the ANSES will stabilize the price of the dollar, which would allow 50 $ per year. The study does not ask about two problems suggested by some professionals. One is the level of dollarization that can be released if Cristina Kirchner's application is verified. On the other hand, the rate at which Leliq's stock grows is equivalent to about one-third of bank badets; a more disturbing disadvantage, the higher the interest rate.

With weight stabilization, Macri aspires to stabilize his own candidacy. He has stated publicly that he aspires first to complete his mandate and then to be re-elected. In private, those who listen to it reverse this logic: if it does not show up, it would be harder to finish the term, because Peronism would become much more aggressive towards the government and against anyone who would replace it as a candidate. . In this reasoning, there is a fund of truth: since the re-election of 1994, presidents are obliged to propose a second term. Abandon, that is admit failure. The exception was Néstor Kirchner and his marriage alternation.

These premises are contested by some situations. One is the story of Cambiemos, born when radicalism became convinced that Macri was the most competitive leader of the non-Kirchner electorate. Today, this belief is very weakened. Several UCR leaders listened to its owner, Alfredo Cornejo, ask him if Macri was not exhausted as a candidate. And Martín Lousteau, who is the daily interlocutor of the president, publicly defends the possibility of developing Let's deploy by incorporating, at least, Roberto Lavagna. Lavagna would have admitted this possibility, but if it is to compete with trainees María Eugenia Vidal. This condition inspires two reveries in radicalism. Go with Lavagna or go with Vidal. The governor continues to swear allegiance to Macri's candidacy. But he must resist the pressure of members of his environment. They are the ones who suspect they can stay in power with her as a presidential candidate, but with her as a candidate for governorship, they risk leaving.

Lavagna has set up his campaign team. Among them are, among others, his son Marco, Carlos Hourbeigt, Rodolfo Gil, Leonardo Macdur and Alejandro "Topo" Rodríguez. This group awaits the results of the radical convention to be held on May 24th. That is to say after the elections in Córdoba, in which everything indicates that Juan Schiaretti will triumph. Macri was ahead of this result. He went back in touch with Schiaretti, with whom he had quarreled about an increase in electricity rates. The governor of Córdoba, it is unclear whether by irony or ignorance, he was represented by his old friend Guillermo Seita. He is a businessman who arouses both Macri's dislike and sympathy with Vidal and Horacio Rodríguez Larreta. The idyll leads some to imagine Schiaretti as a vice of Macri: the role of Cordoba is all the more important as the elections are very tight in Buenos Aires. But the idea hits a wall: Marcos Peña. Peña, whose influence is indeclinable, continues to believe that the more turbulent the navigation must be, the stronger the identity must be. It's a coincidence with Cristina Kirchner. The coincidence in which the polarization is maintained.