Dead man, world on fire | Page12

The smoke of the burning Amazon has reached Argentina, tens of thousands of African migrants have died drowned in the Mediterranean at the gates of a Europe that has destroyed Africa. And Mexico has more than 200,000 victims of the drug war consumed in the United States, a country that depreciates the economies of Central America and now suppresses the arrival of thousands of America's desperate Central who are arrested or die at the border of Mexico with the United States. It is the global apocalyptic scenario created by neoliberal globalization that Mauricio Macri's government represents in Argentina. Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro – who has allowed the industrial destruction of the planet's jungle – has accused environmentalists of having lit the fire. Bolsonaro has thus imitated the macro-politics of accusing others of their own responsibility.

In Argentina, the effect of this global scourge has been the exaltation of a violent sign in social relations, marked by the despair of lack of work and the exponential growth of homelessness and poverty. A few days later, a policeman killed a pbaderby by a kick and the guards at a supermarket hit an elderly senile who stole a bottle of oil and two chocolates.

Institutional violence is not new in this country shaped in the era of dictatorships and authoritarianism. The difference, this time, is that the Cambiemos government – instead of punishing, taking preventive measures or simply criticizing the facts – encouraged the use of violence without control of the security forces, highlighted acts of justice and came to promote the free carrying of arms in civil society.

The OSP urn represents the rebellion and triumph of reality on the virtual stage with which the official media protect the government of Mauricio Macri. This phenomenon has set a limit to which an ultra-concentrated media power is struggling to overcome without falling into the abyss of loss of credibility. The 16-point voting difference also broke the identity mechanisms of the media discourse.

So there was the return of many families to television (commented on in two columns of this newspaper's opinion), attracted by the new reality of observing how remarkable badysts and government operators, such as Leuco, Majul or Lanata, are complicated to badyze. cry, turn around or justify yourself.

The urn that had an impact on the media also aroused strong emotions in the area of ​​the courts where there is already talk of the retirement of judges and prosecutors of federal jurisdiction who have had more problems. Importance in the pursuit of kirchnerism. If these retirements are confirmed, the future government will find federal strategic tribunals vacant and virtually all of these causes will remain unresolved.

These are versions that circulate in the courts supported by recent rulings such as the one that nullified the proceedings in the case of the burial of Sarmiento to the former minister Julio De Vido and d & # 39; 39 other former officials of Kirchner and centered on the businessmen, among them, Angelo Calcaterra, Macri's cousin. At the same time, the Federal Chamber rejected the request for closure of the investigation on the Minister Oscar Aguad and other macroeconomic leaders for the Macri group's debt to the state by l & # 39; 39, intermediate of the Post Office.

PASO caused a shock wave that resulted not only in campaign strategies, but also the history of the judicial war and war journalism that supported the government.

In reality, the STEP did not define anything because all the lists were agreed on their main candidates. But the difference was so unexpected and indisputable that, from nowhere, they were the beginning of the end of the government of Cambiemos. And until now, there is no symptom that the result could be reversed.

On the contrary, postPaso surveys increase the difference between the team of Alberto Fernández and Cristina Kirchner about Macri and Miguel Angel Pichetto. The Front of all would already be close to 53 points. And the final exam extends the advantage of All All by almost a point, from 15 to 16.

Electoral defeats have a centrifugal effect. When Daniel Scioli lost two points in 2015, there were breaks in the legislative blocks and resignations of governors who wanted the freedom to negotiate with the new government.

This phenomenon is a symptom of defeat. After the STEP, the radicals asked Marcos Peña not to intervene in their campaigns. They do not want to wear Macri. In the same vein, Vidal said Thursday to candidates for the Buenos Aires district deputation that it was "necessary to provincialize the elections". But it will not be easy to hide the president. Macri has to campaign. He is not resigned. On Wednesday, he gathered Vidal, the radicals and Horacio Rodríguez Larreta at a lunch for the photo.

The weight of the crisis exploded in the middle of the campaign. As in judo, Macri tried to change the negative sign of this weight involving Alberto Fernández with the embrace of the bear. In one week, he called twice on the phone to show the company a collective performance that does not exist. The opposition candidate did not want to break his image as a dialogist, but at the same time said that he had voted in the STEP as an opponent and that there would therefore be no mixed government.

Macri insisted with another ammunition of damp gunpowder and wanted to give more visibility to Cristina Kirchner. The former president has not picked up the poisoned glove and the strategy is dead before starting. The trolls of Marcos Peña speak of "Albertítere de la Porota".

As a star of billiards, the personalities of the OSP took power away from the government and gave power to the one without government. It is a zero-sum equation to which is added the impossibility of Macri to put an end to the crisis.

The steps he took went against his thinking and the country model he wanted to put in place. Outside the context of a country model that is consistent with them, these measures have no destination.

For Macri, it was more than a solution, it was a way to take the burden of the crisis on the provinces, because VAT is a tax with shared participation. Withdraw funds from the provinces. Moreover, in times of uncontrollable inflation, it is difficult to control that this difference does not remain in the marketing chain and reaches prices. Governors have raised their criticisms.

The freezing of gasoline also provoked the protest of the oil provinces as well as companies, which quickly transmitted the discomfort to the unions. With a different country model than the jungle law in the economy, there are ways out of a crisis that macroism can not solve and only seeks to shift its responsibility to others .

The ideology of neoliberalism is summed up in the lifeless body of Jorge Martin Gómez, collapsed in the street by a karate kick on the chest and in the pensioner's body, chocolates in hand in front of the supermarket door . He dies blows for nothing, to be drunk or to be senile. These are incongruous deaths, sacrifices on the altar of an ideology that needs violence to stay. You need this reason of violence from poor to poor.

The Amazon generates 20% of the oxygen of the planet. Some laws limit the exploitation of this immense biodiversity reserve. Early in the year, accompanied by Donald Trump, Bolsonaro said he "aspired to exploit the riches of the Amazon jointly with the United States." The Amazon disaster under the Bolsonaro government becomes a symbol of the unbridled greed of a neoliberalism that burns humanity.

Macri does not represent insertion into the world but symbolizes this dark world that produces mbadive and desperate waves of migration that range from the looted and impoverished South to the opulence of the North. A world of unworthy inequalities and bloody wars. The disaster in the Amazon will be the mark of an era.

Neoliberalism establishes the Malthussian law of the survival of the strongest. A journey without a destination for the world that sets your lungs on fire for a business you can never achieve after

immolate