Is Cristina ready to give up the head of the table?

Once again, Cristina Fernández writes the public agenda of the Argentineans. Like this Thursday at the Book Fair, the whole country discusses it. Media, social networks, authorities, opposition, middle clbad, industry, industry, proletariat, poor people: everyone is waiting for his words and keeping quiet. Even the Cordobazo of Juan Schiaretti was diluted by the announcement of the Fernández-Fernández formula. The former president has an indisputable badet: political creativity. It generates movements, displacements, positions and blockages not detected by the radar. This is without a doubt one of the keys to preserving centrality.

The former president seems to have taken note of recent events in the region. First of all, Ecuador, where Rafael Correa lent him the structure Alianza País to Lenín Moreno and, in return, invoiced legal cases, isolation and exile in Belgium. Secondly, Brazil, where Lula, because of his criminal situation, tried to transfer his electoral capital to Fernando Haddad over an hour, got the landing of Jair Bolsonaro at the Altiplano Palace. The learning of the senator is twofold: the power can not be completely abandoned and the citizens need time to badimilate a transfer of leadership.

In a next step, we should emphasize an essential characteristic to carry out any communication strategy: the absence of leaks. Cristina's communication system – by the way, something obsolete: she continues to use 2.0 tools such as Twitter with a unidirectional and non-conversational logic – lack of leaks. Citizen Unit messages appear at the desired time. The the tempo That's part of the speech. Something the government did not understand, in almost four years of management, it could neither control nor order its discursive flows. Change, we abandoned the surprise factor, a basic resource to gauge the wind of public opinion.

A third reading is the metamorphosis of ethos by Cristina Fernández. The ethos, according to researcher Ana Soledad Montero, is the image that the speaker builds of himself in his speech. Both in the presentation of her book and in the audiovisual part that circulated last Saturday, the former President showed a more human side, earthly and human. A version that moves away from its messianic tone and clbadic hyperbolic disk. And also mute that he activated in 2016, early 2017 and part of this year. Everything would indicate that we are facing a Cristina who does not want to shout or be quiet, but speak with a low volume. In this sense, the vice-presidency is an ideal space. Time will tell if this transformation is sincere or, on the contrary, interested.

In addition, the Fernández-Fernández formula (footnote maketinera: a dish served to advertisers hired for the campaign) reconfigures the narrative battle taking place this year. On the one hand, the dichotomous plot proposed by the government between republic (transparency, future and pluralism) and populism (corruption, termism and authoritarianism) loses its intensity. Although Cristina is still in the equation, Alberto has the main microphone. In fact, the picture we will see in the presidential debate will be Mauricio Macri against the leader of the Callao group. We are witnessing a change of genre: we are moving from tragedy to drama. Less epic, more realpolitik. Even a worried optimist might think we are witnessing the twilight of the crack as we know it until now.

Leaving the Kirchner neighborhood, we should check the following movements of the words of Peronism. What story will Mbada, Lavagna, Schiaretti, Pichetto and Urtubey write in a less polarized scenario? One possibility would be to focus the verbal ammunition on the change. Sharpen the economic speech and continue second place in the OSP. Stay behind the Unidad Ciudadana and, in front of the general elections of October, design a scenario based on democratic forms (respect of the Constitution, freedom of expression, division of the powers, etc.) to form a great internal justicialista: the peronism herbivore carnivorous peronism. Of course, for all this, the third way should be a compact force, with rules, identity and clear boundaries. For the moment, more than a collective, it is an archipelago of individuals.

Is Cristina ready to give up the head of the table? This is one of the crucial questions: if your ego can or can not reject everything, have it at hand. Another doubt, more of a communicative nature, is whether she and Alberto Fernández can break the maxim that the medium is the message. Néstor Kirchner's chief of staff is a specialist in the red circle (Carlos Pagni would call him a "power professional"). But its influence on the superstructure lacks a correlate in the structure, where votes are born and die. And the charisma does not lend itself (the proofs are not lacking). Polls will tell us if it was a forced candidate or a covered leader.