Is Macri Bugs a rabbit? | Political Perspectives: Running …

"Have you seen a hustler bigger than Bunny Bugs Bunny?", Is interviewed the elected president in the conference room of Tres de Febrero University. At its antipodes, the outgoing president, Mauricio Macri, is trying to lead the future opposition, a place that, after the overwhelming electoral defeat and disastrous management, will be very difficult to maintain, while being uncomfortable because it must be disputed without costs or clean space.

When he talked about the rabbit, Alberto Fernández had by his side the former Uruguayan president, José Pepe Mujica. "Success," he said, "is not about raising money, but about being loved by others. The success is that we leave this world and someone says: it was a guy who cared for others, who supported him.

"What's up, old man?" He talks about the rabbit and Macri, who has already announced his aspiration to lead the opposition. Macri had served everything in life, from the father's fortune to Boca's presidency when Carlos Bianchi was the DT, governing the CABA thanks to the benefits generated by the Kichnerist government.

This time, he will have to row in dulce de leche, because his direction was so bad that the company did not allow him to be reelected. and could not even go to the second round. He lost in the first round with a difference of about ten points, depending on the result projected at the last exam.

The famous 40% will be reduced as soon as the new government assumes, as happens in these situations, when society tends to receive the president who assumes with an open expectation. It is normal for the loser to decrease considerably what he has taken during the election.

As time passes, the anesthetic effect of the official speech of major media will lose its effectiveness and the real picture of this direction will crystallize where there was not a single positive clue in macroeconomics and where the vast majority of society was destitute. Tarifazos, cost of living, uncontrolled inflation, poverty and unemployment. The social memory of its management will be this tragic image of the country.

Although there is hardly any noticeable improvement in the short term, Macri's picture will collapse when 40% of respondents will have finished making contact with this hidden reality behind the violent speech of anti-Peronism. The normal thing is that defeat leads to confusion in the ranks of the vanquished and a strong tendency to scatter.

In the case of Cristina Kirchner, all the artillery of the official media company and a twelve-year burnout were added against her. But he had in his favor a leadership that favored majorities, in order to retain the essential votes of Kirchner, Peronist and non-Peronist, and from there, he managed to devise a strategy allowing the return of Peronism to Casa Rosada.

This is not the case of Mauricio Macri. His leadership has nothing to defend and the last stage of his campaign was based on a grotesque anti-Peronism of "them or us", "democracy or populism". These are slogans that serve for a campaign but will be difficult to maintain when the new government begins to govern in a normal way and with more democratic standards than those of macrismo.

Macri informed Maria Eugenia Vidal of her intention. Before the defeat, the outgoing governor of Buenos Aires was a draftsman, the successor of Macri to Cambiemos. And the discomfort between Vidal and Macri was evident when the president prevented the election dates of the province and the nation from unfolding.

Macri has gone further now in this confrontation with his political partner and has broadcast a photo with his cousin Jorge Macri, Mayor of Vicente López and Vidal's eternal adversary inside the Buenos Aires PRO. After the photo, Jorge, Macri, told the media that all the mayors of Cambiemos do not respond to Vidal. It was clear that the defeat in the province of Buenos Aires would also have a high cost for the governor.

However, Macri granted Cristian Ritondo – a fugitive from Peronism and, until recently, close to Vidal – the presidency of the block of deputies at the National Congress. This decision motivated the rebellion of the current head of the House, the former randazzista Alberto Monzó, who announced that he would not leave Cambiemos, but that he would form a group of five or six deputies.

Elisa Carrió announced her resignation, although she controls a group of a dozen members of the Civic Coalition. Carrió and Paula Oliveto face a difficult legal situation, as does the journalist from Clarin, Daniel Santoro, for the evidence that shows them an apparent complicity with the extortionist and AFI agent, Marcelo D'Alessio.

The two now deny Alessio, but based their claims on Kirchnerism on data obtained by the spy, some invented and others the result of brutal extortion.

This is not the first time Carrió has announced false withdrawals. But in this scenario, he realizes that he does not have the strength to intervene in the new power conflict in Cambiemos, unlike other leaders of this space, such as Vice-President Miguel Angel Pichetto's candidate and current Vice President Gabriela Michetti. Radicals do not want it, any more than the PRO. Without the figure of Carrió, the coalition tends to disappear.

In this troubled environment, Macri is trying to lead the opposition. But neither Vidal nor Carrió nor Monzó is their main problem. Radicals, with a conservative dome, will try to maintain the right-wing alliance with the PRO and provincial parties, but will challenge the spaces of power.

The conservative radicalism represented by Mendoza Ernesto Sanz and Alfredo Cornejo has always kept the party in the background. In this sector, there were leaders who, before the elections, declared that they preferred Vidal as a candidate and not Macri. The minority current led by Ricardo Alfonsin has already sparked the exit of the conservative alliance.

Much of Macri's votes are radical. The only remaining territorial support is CABA, as well as La Plata and Mar del Plata. Territorial deployment of radicalism is what supports this conservative alliance. The most logical thing in this picture is that radicalism seeks its own way as an opposing force without attaching itself to a discredited and flat Macri.

And Horacio Rodríguez Larreta is finally in the city of Buenos Aires. After the elections, he remained as head of the PRO with more presence on the territory. Many people who have fallen from the national government will seek refuge under the government wing of Buenos Aires. This is a valid position for a future presidential candidacy in this space. Macri lost. Rodríguez Larreta no. It is the equation that must be solved one way or another.

The factual, economic, media, judicial, military and embassy powers, which have openly supported Macri's four years, divide their strategy between minimizing the defeat of their neighborhood and the search for interstices on the Front. all, especially in the United States. unified peronism.

The macrismo leaves a country in ruins not only in the plane of the economy, which is in itself critical. Let's change destroys the Republic that has said so much that it was going to defend.

Media concentration implies a concentration of power that is not democratic and suppresses plurality of voices, a fundamental condition of democracy. Corruption, particularly in federal jurisdictions, where Cambiemos openly manipulated judges and prosecutors to persecute political opposition, is the maximum expression of a degraded judiciary like few times before.

The political livelihood of Cambiemos was based on these two factors, known as war journalism and law or judicial war. If the scenario does not change in areas that have distorted the concepts of democracy and republic, the power of political corruption will be maintained.

Just as before the military power is built on democratic powers, so are the conditions that have allowed the terrible destabilizing effect produced by war journalism and the judicial war, exercised by powers that are not democratic, In this case, it was the cat, but it is the same cultural effect of social control that Alberto Fernández presented with the example of the Bunny Bunny Bunny.