Marisa Uceda: "I am neither totalitarian nor thief"

Marisa Uceda, the woman who heads the list of candidates for the All Front national deputation, complained during an interview with MDZ Governor Cornejo's violence against La Cámpora and accused him of not being tough enough with Mauricio Macri. "Let me tell you that I am neither totalitarian nor thief," he said.

At the same time, he defended the nationalization of the campaign and supported Cristina against allegations of corruption between many concepts. In addition, he confessed that he had not voted for Nestor Kirchner to the presidency in 2003 because he did not know him.

– The nationalization of the campaign of All does not make it diffuse as a candidate?

– I understood correctly, because before being a candidate, in this election, the candidates for the presidency are elected. The choice is them, what we choose is the executive power, which is accompanied by the legislative. The campaign is there. For me, the protagonist of the other front is not Cornejo, but Macri. And people care about that. Many people believe that Cornejo is governor because it has created confusion for his role.

– And it does it on purpose Cornejo?

-I understand that this is your strategy, clearly.

– Your strategy is to generate confusion?

-No, provincialize in your face. He has a positive image that we will not deny and he has a wealth of votes that is his and he is very afraid of losing it to Macri's benefit. They told us that they had handed the ballot cut to Godoy Cruz and Las Heras. Separate.

-Why was Sunday's election so dramatic?

-For us, it is important and we believe that this will mark a fundamental trend. We also understand that a good step here is pushing Anabel (Fernández Sagasti) for September. The stages have always been important, not dramatic.

-What do you think about polarization?

Polarization was inevitable. Some differences increased over the four years of Macri. They fired them because they liked them and the other spaces did not know how to position themselves properly. I think that Lavagna, playing differently, would have been an important option. I liked the idea that there were three strong alternatives, but I do not know how successful he was. I do not think so. Polarization does not scare me either.

-And the campaign of fear? Cornejo said that if Cristina wins, it will be Venezuela.

-Cornejo was very violent in the countryside. He had some crises to rethink because we still have a long way to go.

-But both draw a dramatic economic landscape and chaos if the adversary wins …

– For us, chaos is the news and they have generated it. We all suffer from this economic situation. They said that the adjustment would be stronger and that the growth forecasts were not reached. Extending these four extra years is great. They oscillate between the speeches of Venezuela and the republic. I do not agree that neither space nor Venezuela Argentina will not be Venezuela anyway.

– If you win, the 12 years of Kirchnerism are reissued or will there be a different government?

-Alberto was not president during the 12 years of Kirchnerism. We do not know how Alberto will be as president. We badume, we hope and we are confident that the country will lead a policy in which the economy will be healthy. I like very much his concept of initiating the economy, because it is necessary. He has experience of being in management at a very critical time. Some economic scenarios are very similar to 2003, where he was the necessary architect of the debt renegotiation, which will affect him again. Who governs will renegotiate the debt and one of the differences is who will have the courage to argue the interests of Argentines and Argentineans and who will not.

– And something concrete that Cristina did that Alberto is not going to do?

-They are different and it shows. It seems to me that it will not be so confrontational. I do not think there will be a discussion with the media.

– The legislators of Mendoza have been questioned about the fate of Cristina: how will she behave?

– First, we specify that Cristina will not be the president, but Alberto. She will be in the Senate and I will be in the House. And the president of the deputies will be Sergio Mbada, as Alberto said, or one of our blocks. Maximum or Rossi could be. I will respond to the interests of the nation and the province. Anabel has always been in the same space and has never voted a budget that hurts Mendoza.

– Legislators have always given rights to the Nation, for example with funds from ANSES and to the provinces.

-Yes, then we favored María Eugenia (Vidal) … it seems to me that in the past four years, Congress has experienced a rare situation. The opposition was not united, we had to solve our problems to arm this front. Those who have benefited from some of the issues remain outside this front, such as the vice president of Macri. I have never participated in a parliamentary debate involving the interests of the province. I understand that I will not give in to that. I think we will have to share it. The co-participation ends up being unfair to provinces like Mendoza.

-You consider that tax reform is an imminent debt. What needs to be changed?

– Taxes must aim for equitable distribution and allow certain sectors to develop. We will have to give the debate because SMEs are stifled by the rates. But Mendoza is also one of the five provinces that apply stamp duty and, among the five, the most expensive. This has to do with the future operations of SMEs. You can not smother SMEs because they are the only ones to generate jobs. Anabel says that one must be partners of those who create jobs and subsidize the creation of jobs. And that can come with tax promotions.

– But reducing taxes while increasing pensions, as proposed by Alberto Fernández, is not complex.

-It is that we spend a lot, but a lot, a lot to pay debts and interest on leliqs. They told us at the GEF, where we do not have many followers, that a day of interest from the leliqs is used to subsidize all SMEs in the country. If you have the courage to restructure the interest payments and the interest rate for which it is produced is lowered, it starts to adapt and the low tax does not defeat the coffers. We have a country that has the plans of the financial system.

-What do you mean?

Financial system plans. We all live in bank five who knew how to trade, because they told him. We must see who defends Macri in the international context. That's the point he's defending because the big debt holders of Argentina are the big, concentrated capitals of the United States. Macri guarantees them to withdraw money faster. And that must be controlled. We can not be a country of swallowed capitals that come, duplicate and leave.

– How do you avoid these measures causing a financial system failure or a dollar race?

-This has to do with who leads the negotiation. At the time of Nestor, who had gone to talk to the IMF was Alberto Fernández, and Fernandez already speaks and says that we will pay as soon as we can grow, never above growth, because that means adjustment of the Argentine people. With Macri, the market has governed us, Alberto will allow the production of the state system and the functioning of the financial system. We are not that we do not want banks, but hey, they take it to the shovel, the distribution is not fair.

-Why were you from the purple belt?

-I entered the university at the end of menemism. There was a permanent tariff threat. There were not many political alternatives. Menemism reigned at the university and Franja Morada meant the defense of public education. The band allowed me military. I left Franja Morada in December 2001, after De la Rúa named Cavallo and declared that one of the measures could be to charge the public university. It was a very strong blow.

-And how did you get to Kirchnerism?

– disappointed. I did not vote for Nestor Kirchner and I did not know who he was. I will not get on the train. I did not know either that Cristina was his wife, but his debates fascinated me. When Nestor begins with his politics, especially that of human rights, he surprises me. His speech said struggles with which I felt identified and which began to approach me politically. In 2014, I decided that I still had to military. I did it through an organization of lawyers who had a very strong tendency to kirchnerism and so I ended up working with Anabel.

– Do you choose Nestor or Cristina?

-I can not choose, they mock me and excite me. I did not vote for Nestor because I did not know him and I almost voted blank in 2003, the second time. If there was a vote this year, I voted.

– What do you think of the corruption and stigmatization that Kirchnerism has in this respect?

-First of all, I do not charge myself personally. From the space, I can say that, over 12 years and on the 16 departments of Cristina, one of them is the subject of a thorough investigation: the works public. I hope that the justice is up to the circumstances and that the one who has committed acts of corruption is condemned. I do not personally believe in Cristina's responsibility, but I do not agree with the corruption, despite what Cornejo said: I am neither totalitarian nor thief. I never stayed with anything but mine.

-But did that tell you Cornejo?

– He told my political space.

-What will Alberto Fernández do with the inhabitants of imprisoned Kirchnerism?

-Alberto is going to be the executive power, I Legislative and the one who decides it is the judiciary.

– And if they had to vote an anarchy?

-C & # 39; is a constitutional faculty. They can still be investigated. It is the political marketing of the Macri government by the media. If there was a scandal on the part of one of them, I would not vote for that either.

– But you do not believe that justice acts in accordance with political time?

-I would like to believe no. What happens in justice must ask the judges. The processes should continue as they come, with the prisoners.

– Is preventive detention in general properly applied?

-No, but for no one. I am a lawyer and I took a position. Preventive detention is the exception and freedom is one of the valuable badets. Prisons are overcrowded with children with pre-trial detention automatically issued and we have international sanctions for that.

-What comment do you deserve to fight the crime of Cornejo?

-He did not have a policy. (Gianni) Venier does not deserve my respect because he has causes of gender violence. He has not made any major reforms.

-What is your opinion about Cornejo?

-I do not know him very much. I thought we would meet in a debate. I met him through unfortunate sayings and the only time I met him, he did not greet me. He was a guy who created power. I think he's taken a look at the authoritarian fashions and some of his policies did not seem very republican. He has tried to bring the province back to order, but when you have such a debt, I do not know if you are so tidy. He does not recognize that he has been able to govern because over the last four years, the opposition has voted for the budget, which he has not done. I would have liked to see him firmer with Macri. Sometimes he was strong. Then I went to Buenos Aires and came back with the gas bill in three installments. I had another wait and I missed the opportunity. I could have gone into history as the best governor.