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The story of the mythic judge Sérgio Moro who, with the operation Lava Jato, created an earthquake inside and outside Brazil has not yet ended, resulting in the imprisonment of former presidents like the popular Lula da Silva and millionaire company leaders like Marcelo Odebrecht. Suddenly, the judge made the leap into politics by accepting the Department of Justice, in the far-right government of Jair Bolsonaro.
The new conversations, released last Sunday by L & # 39; interception, They show that even the faithful squire of Moro, the Attorney General of Lava Jato, Deltan Dallagnol and other colleagues do not yet understand why Moro left his post that made him famous in the world, to leave his duties as Minister of Justice. Moreover, in the case of Bolsonaro, a personality so controversial for his statements in favor of torture and dictatorship is so little inclined to support differences and to consider that human rights serve to favor bandits. For him, the important thing is the "rights of man". And he denies that there is hunger in Brazil.
Dallagnol suggests that Jair Bolsonaro could have subjugated Moro before he could secure a place in the Federal Supreme Court. There are those who go further and badure that Moro, despite all criticism, remains the most popular minister and has his eyes fixed on the presidency of the Republic.
At the time, the Minister of Justice had explained to his people, to rebadure him, that his intention, in accepting such a ministry, was to be able to modernize and restructure legal legislation in the light of stronger democracies such as the United States, Germany, France or England. .
However, after six months in the government, Moro begins to be caught in the web he weaves himself. The fear of his friends, starting with Deltan Dallagnol, is what could happen if, already in the government, Moro could verify that the corruption against which he had fought for years also existed among the family members of the family. president and could reach the Bolsonaro himself and his wife, Michelle.
Bolsonaro won the judge as a trophy of his government because one of the flags of his campaign was the fight against corruption and the defense of the Lava Jato operation. However, Moro immediately realized that he had entered a nest of hornets and that the president could put an end to accusations of corruption and money laundering, as in the case of his son Flavio. Scandal that runs through two black holes such as the murder of social activist Marielle Franco and the mysterious military police in reserve, Fabrício Queiroz, who was friends with the president when the current senator and son of the president, Flavio, was five years old. It is suspected that he had ties to the murderers of the girl.
Moro first tried to downplay the charges. First, he baderted that he was no longer a judge and that he could no longer intervene in the proceedings and that these accusations of corruption were not yet clear. The President of the Federal Supreme Court, Antonio Dias Toffoli, presented a strategy to Bolsonaro that prevented his son from being the subject of an investigation. The question is, if the president does not need Moro to stop accusations about his family, why not continue to protect him, especially when he could challenge his reelection in 2022?
In theory, Moro continues to give prestige to Bolsonaro, especially since he knows that his most radical are on the side of the judge and that overthrowing him would mean a failure for his government. In practice, he has already abandoned it. The president has done nothing to keep Coaf at the Ministry of Justice. It would have been a powerful instrument in Moro's hands. And nothing is being done to make Exjuez's successful project on the fight against violence and the restructuring of justice a priority of the Congress. The president has not advanced a drop in his favor, nor even discussed it for approval with the pension reform. In addition, Congress and the Senate have progressively removed the most important points of the document, such as detention after the second instance.
Bolsonaro's dream judge, who still does not know for sure why the captain of the army enchants him, leaves himself little by little with his projects, including few members of Congress (many of them are still involved in Lava Jato) are interested in approving.
And what does Moro do? We do not know if, for fear of isolation or strategy, it is perhaps today the minister who defends Bolsonaro most, even if he shocks the country with his racist claims like that of him. a few days ago against the Northeast. Moro did not need to defend the president, but he did it even in the United States, where he was on vacation with his family, denying that the president had an animosity toward the Northeast.
So, Moro, is increasingly trapped in the dangerous spiderweb he's built up, without being able to imagine how he can get out of it let alone with his head upright.
Meanwhile, Bolsonaro takes pleasure in sending and begins to move away from his government of important generals to hint that he is now the president and not this reserve captain who has been expelled from the army for his subversive behavior. At the time to defend the soldiers who, according to him, earned little, I wanted to use violent and terrorist methods.
Now, Bolsonaro wants to point out that he is above the same generals. It is not difficult to imagine that, if necessary, he would hit Moro. For the moment, he has already announced that the first vacancy on the Supreme Court would be that of a "terribly evangelical," an evangelical who creates terror in the High Court?
When Moro surprised the country by announcing that he was leaving his post as Brazil's most famous judge to join Bolsonaro, this newspaper wrote an editorial titled Moro removes his maskwhich implies that with his decision he became clearer that his true calling was, from the beginning, politics. And there are those who go beyond. Suspecting that many of his troubles were meant to pave the way for his future political dreams, starting with Lula's sorrow, which prevented him from challenging the presidential elections he would surely have won.
It's hard to get into the thought of exjuez from Lava Jato casestill young and not very ambitious. What is becoming clearer every day is that to win the favor of the president, he becomes his best advocate, even in times when he should have the courage to say "no" and even leave the government. Moro must know. therefore, the pbadage of Luke, 17,1s, where Jesus said to his disciples: "It is inevitable that there are scandals, but woe to those who provoke them!" And also: "Woe to you, interpreters of the law because you lie on the shoulders of others, weights that you can not bear!", Luke, 11.
The unknown Moro remains open.
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