October 17, 1945 was not magic |

It's a turning point in modern Argentinean history. And it was not so much for the amount. Some speak of 500,000, others more than a hundred thousand. The right had been mobilized weeks before and had gathered about 200,000 people who had walked from Congress to Recoleta. October 17 was massive, no matter if more or less than others, and there were also many demonstrations of workers before, it was not the first. But he had features that emphasized him. The working class has mobilized, not because of a trade union demand, but to challenge political power. It was his irreversible irruption into the dispute over political power. He went out to fight his space as a class hitherto excluded from the political system. This did not happen overnight, nor was the result of messianic leadership, but the result of a process of growth and great social gains of the workers.

Of the four colonels who led the GOU that struck the coup of 43, there were two who had the greatest influence in the troupe: Emilio Ramírez, right-wing nationalist, philo-Nazi and Eduardo Avalos , closely linked to radicalism. That's what the current government leaves between 43 and 45 years old. The group of unified officers was not homogeneous according to the image given by most historians. This heterogeneity has determined all the internal conflicts that he has undergone. Among the two other colonels, Enrique González, also aligned with Catholic nationalism, and Juan Domingo Perón had a more pragmatic position. In fact, he had no significant burden in the initial distribution of power.

At first, the philo-Nazis and the Catholic nationalists prevailed with the presidency of the general of Pedro Pablo Ramírez. This government banned the CGT N ° 2 composed of socialists, communists and revolutionary syndicalists. In this sector of the government, there was an anti-union reactionary line that forced the leaders of the CGT banned, with much doubt and mistrust, to seek contacts and potential allies within the military group. Thus, led by the Socialist Angel Borlenghi, of the Guild of Commerce; Francisco Capozzi, of the Fraternity, and Juan Atilio Bramuglia, also a socialist and leader of the Union of Railways, made contact with Colonels Juan Domingo Perón and Domingo Mercante.

While Ramirez and Avalos supported themselves in the military sectors. Avalos was at the head of the First Corps. Perón and Mercado have established bridges with sectors of the labor movement. Thus, the National Labor Directorate was created and directed by Perón. Nobody gave it importance, it was not a strategic place in the power struggle. A month later, he became secretary.

The workers 'movement had a program of historic demands, and this alliance of military and trade unions had made these demands concrete: workers' compensation was condemned for dismissal of all branches of production; two million people were favored by retirement; the status of the pawn and the status of the journalist were sanctioned, collective bargaining agreements involving more than three million workers were installed. And many other measures that have modernized and humanized labor relations in Argentina.

Each of these achievements has dealt a blow to the former oligarchic country, characterized by all-powerful schemes and related labor relations. Perón's figure has risen, as has the resentment of the affected economic power groups. The trade union movement has suffered breaks, strongly influenced by the international scene, but most have started to converge around the new labor secretariat.

In this context, the composition of the GOU facilitated doubt or confusion, as it could be presented as an expression of European fascism or an equivalent of the popular movements that emerged in Mexico, Bolivia, Brazil, Nicaragua and other countries. Latin American countries. Some of the leftists also described these movements as fascists, like that of the Mexican Lázaro Cárdenas.

Internal clashes with the government
The soldiers followed each other as Perón grew up, until they agreed to launch him as claimed by the traditional parties, the oligarchy and the bosses. The secretary of Labor had lost his support to the military trainee.

Perón had been able to annul the law which limited the unions, which had triggered their growth, by massively affiliating the "new" workers, those who emigrated from the city to the interior of the country, those who would be baptized under the name of "fat" and "small black heads" for the middle and upper classes.

During the course of history, he was introduced to the military government as a homogenous pro-Nazi bloc, but in two years he replaced three presidents. Avalos even offered the presidency to the radicals at a time.

It was also presented as of October 17, 1945 as an act convened by the Perón rulers. But this leadership was based on the defense of workers' interests. The mobilization of the working-class bases, spontaneously and without resources, was in the defense of their interests.

On October 17, the working class did not react to defend messianic or predestined leadership. This leadership had been built step by step and truly realizing these historic claims that had been thwarted by strong repressions and that had cost the blood, the prison and life to hundreds of popular fighters.

Although Perón is obviously the most important person in this story, the real subject that promotes it and the act is the working class. The mobilized ones represented millions of workers condemned to forced labor and a miserable life but who, with Perón, had managed to twist the arm of the old oligarchic Argentina.

Popular leaders who maintain themselves over time, such as Perón, do not stem from the demagoguery typical of the old conservatives, those who are "populist" rather than popular. The difference is that the social measures taken by Perón were not in form or content, fun concessions on the part of the employer to the worker, as did the conservatives. All of Perón's labor legislation was based on the recognition of the worker as a legal subject on an equal footing. The reason for the historical popular loyalty of these leaders is no mystery or magic.