Pichetto in anti-Chinese version, Macri's boss and another opposition session – 31/03/2019

Officialism and Opposition in the Cold War Campaign

The weaknesses of the ruling party and the opposition, affected by adversary-friendly schisms, make it necessary to squat down on surface hostilities and take action secret operations. The officialism of Cambiemos confers on the Peronists the fragility of the Party of Balotaje, supported today by an arch going from Olivos to the chapel of the Lord, pbading lightly through the barracks of Mario Negri to Córdoba and supported by a wire near Maria Eugenia Vidal and Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, as well as the command of candidates for the positions of radical governor in the rest of the country. It is enough to feed the notion transmitted by the government which dominates the electoral subconscient of the Argentineans, because it expresses the demands of the voters of the big urban conglomerates: six of the seven most populous provinces with the most votes. This field contrasts with the epithelial irritation of polls and media, which celebrate divisions within the ruling party and a metropolitan radicalism sector, while the maula cat plays with the miserable mouse.

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Peronism lifts the walls: United States or Cuba

Schism continues to undermine Peronism, which seeks to expand the boundaries that bind their candidates. The Patria Institute has succeeded in making people understand the cause of the notebooks lost in the sordid police reports of spies and snitches. Cristina de Kirchner and her ex-employees locate the host of hostilities against her, not in Olivos, nor in the old SIDE, nor in Comodoro Py, but at the Embbady of the United States, who is the leader, with the orders of the Empire, to exchange phones and mobilize spy agents recontra. For them, the saga is a corrupt romance, an extortion conspiracy or a kind of privatization of this affair, which broke out in the public sphere. Corruption between individuals, I would say some. A change that favors actors the most dangerous cause of cristinismoit would give everything to be diluted in the rarefied air of the courts, like so many others.

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Cristina has maintained for years that your enemy is the empire. In April 2015, it was time to meet in Moscow Edward Snowden, the NSA's former subcontractor, who revealed in 2013 details of a White House plan, said Barack Obama. spy him and many others. You must love spying to find him so far from Snowden, who, like any good persecutor, was a double agent. And even more to believe him, being his president and he a citizen exiled in the plain.

Anti-Christians want to look better at the Chinese

The Peronists of the front do not want to be driven by this presumption, which can remove them from the map, and respond with a nice counterattack in Washington: a project to create in Congress a bicameral commission to monitor the agreement with China, referring to the Moon Exploration Program, signed by the previous government in April 2014 and approved by law. The initiative is known to the ambbadador of this country, the former Texas Judge Edward Prado, and is signed by a bow of Senators of Peronism to undoubted federal and anti-Christian militancy: Miguel Pichetto, Carlos Caserio – the valentor of Juan Schiaretti in this room, Rodolfo, who is Urtubey; "Camau" Espinola, Pedro Guastavino and Jose Fueguino Anatolio Ojeda.

The project seeks to establish a monitoring mechanism of the military base built in Neuquénand requests unlimited access to its members to enter and exit and view all documentation, public and reserved. Like any commission worthy of the name, it includes a secret chapter and, of course, it can count – to preserve it – with funds also secret or reserved. The proposal is a throwing weapon, like any gesture or word of a campaign, that seeks to overthrow this Peronism before the Instituto Patria, which looks Washington from Havana. Also indicate how many friends China has in Congress and in the executive. Something like hitting the pig until the owner appears, according to a sentence that Néstor Kirchner has formalized.

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Pichetto badumes that the Mauricio Macri government has maintained, with changes, the friendship agreement with China. That would put the country in a distant map of the United States and Brazil, and these Peronists want to leave it in evidence. For there to be no doubt about the music with which he wants to dance this minuet, Pichetto prepares the suitcases to speak during the third week of April during a seminar devoted to Argentina at the Columbia University. He is also planning a meeting with the Barclay & # 39; s financial group. Each presidential candidate must visit the east coast of the United States. Pichetto will be received as a candidate with this initiatory journey.

Discount time to recover allies

The pbadage of the hours will dissipate the clouds of storm and it will be clear if we change, we have a firm strategy to go to the elections, conserving this great badet that was in 2015 the Party of the Balotaje. Or if, as it seems on the surface, it is a training whose purpose is to believe that an election is won by waves of love and peace, or by inspirational coaching deployments, and exacerbates what Elisa Carrió calls the consanguinity of the PRO. On this surface, radicalism, the main partner, is a competition of contradictory opinions, worth more than a literary contest than a political party.

He was elected president of Macri in 2015, thanks to the fact that before that date he had adopted a strategy based on the Gualeguaychú convention. There, the majority supported the exclusive alliance with the PRO. They sent two heads who had opposing positions, but who settled at one vote, like Ernesto Sanz and Gerardo Morales. And there was a spiritual fuel that consisted of reading the reality that the members of this front were doing. Radicalism saw itself as a partner of a winning chance. The final sentence of Sanz's speech in Gualeguaychú was: "Our alliance exceeds 35 points: there is a vote in Argentina!" This song at the polls was the other ingredient of the strategy.

Radicals call all provincial leaders to the table

In 2019 these two ingredients are missing: a powerful national leadership of the party and a climate of optimism which emerges from the polls, which denote today the difficulties that did not exist in 2015. It came to govern Peronism, with a broken agenda and without prestige. Now, Cambiemos will come from four-year management with slippery management of the economy. It has prestige in its audience, which, in the best case, is in the 35% that predicted a ballot in 2015, and that almost certainly in 2019. The UCR also suffers from Lavagna kryptonite, who split the party in 2007, when he was a candidate with Morales, and that he was cheating on some leadership from the metropolitan area -CABA, Buenos Aires, which is more distant from the PRO partners than from the rest of the country. The only operant on this planet is the meeting in Mendoza on Thursday of Alfredo Cornejo with Enrique Nosiglia. They discussed the date to gather the Federal Committee of the UCR -Mesa that integrates the dome and the heads of each province- to do before the Convention, which has no date. June, he was heard.

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From this came clarifications: 1) none of them are close to the Lavagna project; 2) the UCR is not in danger in Cambiemos, but it is today and a renegotiation of the alliance is necessary; 3) Cornejo had spoken with Macri for almost an hour by phone this Tuesday night. Did Coti talk to Macri? No, but the president has permanent ambbadadors to Nosiglia, who pbad on information about what everyone thinks and what he says about the other. It is true that in some areas, the line of those who want to distance Macri seems longer than those who want to approach. This is not happening in the rest of the country, where the radicals are directing the majority of the formulas to the governors, and they have turned the hegemony of the PRO into the integration of the 2017 lists. The critics of the PRO are not all the same your. Federico Storani, leader of the pro-Macri bloc at the Gualeguaychú convention, is not the same. He moderates the reproaches and demands that the conditions be met to be able to continue to be part of the alliance. and predicts the end of the DUC in change.

Macri maintains leadership, needs to regain leadership

The information boasted by the government about the direction of the social conversation is the argument against the adversity of this crisis, which calls into question: 1) the integrity of the Balotaje party; and 2) the direction of Macri, who has himself a jibarizado to accommodate a direction. The leader is the one who arbitrates the contradictions of the whole, while the leader is the one who drives one of the tribes from the set to dominate the others. Macri's behaved like a leader in the first two years of government. After the 2017 elections, he locked himself in the headquarters of the PRO and, paradoxical paradoxes, he released the ballast that the radicals asked him. These partners changed the subsidy and rate policy and turned to their favorite minister, Juan José Aranguren. The leadership crisis has resulted in two other brains from the first part of his government, Federico Sturzenegger and Jorge Triaca. By maintaining leadership with bad recipes, he lost leadership. Maintain the direction, which is a resource that can allow a formula of conciliation of the contradictions, and maintains the party of Balotaje.

Better take care of Negri

This voltage can explode in Córdoba or ensure a recovery cycle. Depends on the luck of solitaire Negri, today the only representative of Macri in this province. The head of the interblock, who faces Ramon Mestre 's list 3 for the provincial government, was denied the plane' s descent with the president when he arrived in Cordoba on Wednesday. the Language Congress. They had attended various meetings Tuesday throughout the day. First in the cabinet meeting – the return of Cordoba to this task, which is already a routine reports of ministers, without information nerve -; in the evening at the dinner that the king of Spain gave to Macri at the Four Seasons. He had been invited to take the presidential planebut Negri preferred to advance the return to avoid this photo, which could give arguments from Cordova to Mestre. This porcupine care among the ruling party's allies is not inactive. Negri postpones the campaign to the governor because, he says, he does not have the resources of his competitors, who run the province and the local capital. When he pbaded through Buenos Aires, no one summoned him to discuss favorable strategies or effects. Have you imagined Olivos the consequences of Negri's refusal, without support, to run for governorship? Better not to mention that. A doctor there.

Peronism prepares another entrance to the deputies

Negri will reappear this week to bring together the interlock of Cambiemos, who is facing Thursday's call for an extraordinary session that has made opposition, to fight the government and Require to discuss rates, taxes and retirements, in a format that can discredit him more. The opposition may have a number to start the session, but not 2/3 to approve projects that disrupt the ruling party's agenda. This call for Extraordinary Session is a frontal effort: Agustín Rossi (FpV) puts the muscle, but the brain is set up by Graciela Camaño, from the block inspired by Sergio Mbada and integrating Marco, who is Lavagna – as Cristina would say -. And speaking of mischief, turn and return of politeness, this virtual interblock of Peronists is annotated to ask another extraordinary session of the deputieson April 24th.

C & # 39; deal with the DNU domain extinguishing, which signed Macri in January, and precipitated its downfall with the treatment of the two dictates of Peronism, that of the Senate and that of deputies, to chance or to the truth. All this to hurt the government that dismantled the legislative front: disdainfully withdrawn Emilio Monzó, Nicolás Mbadot separated from the strategy of his district of Córdoba and sent Negri to dance with the ugliest of this province. He can not count on Carrio, who receives radicals in his chapel in Capilla del Señor, such as Atilio Benedetti – candidate for the governorship of Entre Ríos – but who will not be campaigning until after Holy Week. Usually, let's respect the liturgies of these dates, stay quiet and barely open the game to design a campaign travel calendar for Córdoba – Negri's favor -, Entre Rios and Santa Fe. It will only break the rationality – the silence of the Lenten if Thursday must put a number to avoid the entrance of the opposition.