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The second campaign officially started, marked by the resounding result of the Open Primary (STEP). It will include two debates between presidential candidates on 13 and 20 October. Themes, schedules, formats, even TV drivers are under discussion. We remember the clash between President Mauricio Macri and his rival Daniel Scioli. It serves as ironic consumption: the amount of lies and false promises made by a much younger Macri, better written than two years ago, dispensed from responding for nearly four years of devastating management is unbeatable.
With Alberto Fernández as a favorite, the new stage is marked by the explosion of the economic model. It was inevitable. It only remained to know when it would happen.
The government blackmailed Fernandez, asking him to endorse all measures of the Treasury or the Central Bank (BCRA). Last week, I asked for the blessing of the debt rebalancing bill. He omitted a subtlety: the bill was not sent, which was euphemistically "missing the fine print". As indicated in this column last Sunday, the original text that will be defended in Congress by the Minister of Finance, Hernán Lacunza, was not "in large print". Since then, the project has been sleeping. The blank check that Fernandez had to sign is an entelechy.
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As a Swede in the rodeo of other people: he The Dean of the Stockholm School of Social Affairs decided to buy a car second hand to follow the campaigns closely. He knows some mechanics, the Swedish crown climbed with the devaluation, he saw himself driving a noble and cheap car. He asked his thesis godson when and where state vehicles were auctioned off, as ordered by the government. The Swedish political scientist who stifles the thesis on Argentina has sent him down: almost nothing that Macri promised is concrete. I owe you the sale of parking as zero poverty, green shoots, a rain of investment …
Now, the president states that he has achieved all the goals agreed with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Angry at so many plants, the dean sends an e-mail to the Swedish government to explain why he should prevent the new payment of $ 5.4 billion. Get a quick and polite answer, maybe a little cold: "We knew, Professor, that we have already objected as partners of the Fund." Glup.
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The old fashion is beautiful: Frente de Todos (FT) has undertaken austere campaigns for PASO. They took care to raise suspicions about illegal contributors, the bad wave of VIP business, the huge limitation of power vis-à-vis the PRO that governs Nation, Autonomous City (CABA) and Buenos Aires.
They also negotiated tactical definitions: Axel Kicillof toured in his image and likeness in the province. Austere mode, handmade, in melee, without masking nor pretending to be another.
Alberto Fernández is a career leader who has formulated a campaign accordingly. "We did politics", self-describe and celebrate.
A few days before the ballot, a newspaper columnist The nation he mocked TF 's financial difficulties, hinting that he would run out of money for the tax banks. He underestimated the old militant wisdoms: there are cases where the heart kills a wallet. In the second stage, what seemed like a punishment is an advantage: FT candidates "owe nothing to anyone" other than the sovereign people. Not even the most relentless media inquisitor does not claim that Fernández, Kicillof and Matías Lammens are the "chickens" of this or that economic enterprise. Macri was supported by weapons, petates and fortunes. Great players who are now taking distance claim patriotic pacts. Yesterday, they just asked for a blank letter to dismiss the mansalva and, without compensation, they accused unionist Sergio Palazzo in a culture where this nickname is a pbadword to file a complaint in federal courts. Even Paolo Rocca, CEO of Techint (one of the few high-profile entrepreneurs who has his own ideas and good readings), discovers that the Argentines want jobs and not money. Denies tacitly the macroeconomic speech: they are not parasites who live on those who pay taxes … they are workers in a country that has engaged in an unprecedented industry.
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Bilardism and retouching: The team that wins is not affected, in football and politics. Fernández made a pilgrimage on radios and channels. It lent itself to the interesting fencing or attacks of journalists who wore the yellow jersey PRO and hit like Blas Giunta in their good times.
The movement pursued various objectives. "Installs" the candidate, much less known than Macri or the former president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Demonstrate willingness to speak even with aggressive and biased interlocutors. Although the hegemonic vulgate hides it, it differs from Macri, who only plays in local media, as he has done since December 2015.
Fernández can now dose his interventions because he has proven his point of view and must ensure to saturate the citizen spectator.
In any case, it has become a new one in itself. TV cameras accompany him in clbad for a handful of students, a novelty in the electoral coverage. Never as incredible as the presentations of Cristina's book, a discovery. Many former colleagues of the president have published briefs, without going further, the French Francois Hollande. He sells a lot, in a section where he says that Russian President Vladimir Putin handed him Napoleon's letters bought from a collector (a souvenir that proves the truth of the similar episode told by CFK). But the text does not serve Holland as a resource to rally the crowds, bolster their own vote.
The presentations of "Sincerely", in addition, they give free rein to the most clbadic campaign and the protagonism of Alberto Fernández.
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Between dispersion and xenophobia: Victory, whether at the intermediate or abnormal stage of PASO, strengthens and activates synergy. Defeat divides, raises questions, centrifugal. Cambodian discipline in the countryside erupted on August 11th. Each candidate tries to save his own clothes, which, for too many people, comes back to take off from Macri.
Current promises are reduced to keep the dollar price high. Macri's excuse, but little for those who do not manage to make ends meet. The best resource of the government is to blame the adversary, no longer the heavy legacy, but the present.
The social leader Juan Grabois raises the need for agrarian reform, he has the right to think as he sees fit. And no one can force him to align with the coalition he integrates. Therefore, asking Fernández and his team of economists to absolve the positions of Grabois' statements is a gulf: the party in power almost ignores it. Mud Alberto painted as the only card game available.
Senator Miguel Pichetto specializes in loyalty to the hard core of the ruling party: the integral right, not just economic. Xenophobe, pejorative towards a Peruvian mother who has trouble meeting with her children, almost impolite. This should not surprise the allies of Presidents Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro.
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Between Mexico and Europe: Alberto Fernández meets with Spanish President Pedro Sánchez and Portuguese Prime Minister António Costa. The ambbadador of Uruguay in Spain, Francisco Bustillo, invites him to his home. They made friends during the international dispute over pasteras … proof that Fernández's trading style is not a costume of the occasion.
In Buenos Aires, AF goes to a simple, freshly repainted street on Mexico Street. It is journalistic fashion to ask who will be in the cabinet of those who have not yet won the respective elections. Hypotheses, fantasies, bets, operations to install or "burn" dozens of people …
A new way of governing will involve something other than a ministerial law. Fernández imagines and works on a redesign of the state, its functions, its aggiornamento … not only retouches on its bureaucratic structure. He met Gustavo Beliz, a former minister under Nestor Kirchner who developed ideas and initiatives in this regard.
The candidate finds time to think about how to govern. The designations, it is said, will be seen later.
Meanwhile, the parties that represent the majority of those who voted within the OSP promote the law on food emergency. It will be after December to reflect on how the solidarity experiences of popular organization, economics and social marketing are strengthened and institutionalized. They developed malaria, without protection or even attacked by the state. If a change of political sign intervenes, it should be part of a new economic model, considers this chronicler without much originality but with a firm conviction.
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