the dangerous battle between Macri and Fernández

Mauricio Macri may have lost the STEP but is not resigned to losing a cultural battle: impose the interpretation to who is responsible for the volatility that he punishes – and perhaps continue to punish for all four next few months – to the Argentine economy.

The president's press conference clearly stated his position: a categorical refusal to accept defeat and, therefore, a rejection of all suggestions and requests asking him to meet Alberto Fernández and organize an orderly transition until December.

On the contrary, in his role as a candidate, he showed a conviction that disrupted many players in the market: that the loss of the dollar and the collapse of Argentine stocks and bonds could play in their favor. As the networks commented, the application of the Trotskyist axiom "from worst to best is almost"

According to this view, a convulsion on the markets and, especially, the price of the dollar, could serve as a reminder to the middle clbad angry with Macri what it is exposed if Kirchnerism eventually regained power.

"I do not manage the markets," Macri apologized, implying that while asking officials to minimize the effects of the crisis, he did not want to violate his own principles and apply interventionist measures, in the manner of capital control. nor restrictions on the purchase of foreign currency.

The funny thing is that, on the sidewalk in front of, there was also the feeling that they did not feel so uncomfortable with the escape of the dollar. Alberto Fernández, who has experienced the early economic boom of Nestor Kirchner, knows better than anyone the fate of taking the government with an extremely high dollar, especially if another has paid the political cost of having adjusted before.

After all, Fernandez had argued that the exchange rate was artificially low and that the only reason he was not exploiting was because of the "irresponsible financing of the official election campaign" by the International Monetary Fund.

Thus, from this vision, what is happening now would be nothing more than the candor of a reality that the government was trying to cover that could no longer be hidden.

For this strategy, nothing better than to stay away from the government: cope with the crisis while Alberto prepares his teams to take advantage of the liquidation of deficits and the recovery of competitiveness.

In the eyes of badysts and businessmen, both candidates show that a meeting to coordinate policies that calm the environment is detrimental to their respective political strategies.

Which leads to a disturbing conclusion: both seem to play with fire. When the president says that the market is frightened by what Kirchnerism means and exacerbates his speech on two opposite points of view of the country, he almost justifies the panic of investors. Thus, when Macri declares that the more Fernández is likely, the more serious the market situation, he approaches a self-fulfilling prophecy.

The opposition candidate, by remaining a spectator of how Macri makes the adjustments that could be beneficial to him, risks seeing the social climate worsen and that, given the possible situation of baduming the presidency, he finds himself a social climate that is difficult to manage.

A fight, in short, whose resolution seems the opposite of "win-win". And that flirts with the social epidemic.

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