The dilemmas of the last hundred days of Macri in power

Argentine democracy must live with the existence of an absolutely exhausted governmentin the context of a serious economic and social crisis caused by its policies. The remaining 100 days of life at the unfortunate experience of the Macri government seem like an eternity. The social suffering and the permanent economic uncertainty in which we live would advise to shorten the pbadage. But the mythology of Argentinian antiperonism is the hostage of politics: any institutional agreement to reasonably shorten the duration of Calvary would feed the "curse" of non-Peronist governments, which "never end their term". The truth is that Peronism and opposition in general have done much these four years to preserve the political order, in the perverse conditions imposed by the government, he badumed the end of 2015. But political myths resist any attack of reality.

The ruling alliance has two complex and contradictory tasks: the first is to manage the crisis so that its fires do not lead to a chaotic end to the first experience of Argentine history. a right-wing party elected by free suffrage; the second is the electoral campaign, marked by the irreversible nature of the popular verdict during the primaries. Irreversible for the important and unexpected distance (16 points according to the final exam) but also for the state of play after these votes: The government is asking citizens to change the sign of their choice in the face of an unusual worsening of the social situation. Before August 11, the government was convinced that its advertising could make up for everything that was happening in reality, but that day, that belief flew in the air.

The conditioned reflex persists however. The government attributes the crisis to the election results. In other words, the fear that in the "world" produces the triumph of the formula Alberto Cristina. The problem is that this advertisement that claims to be the central argument of the campaign affects the other task that the government faces: how to make sure that the word preventing the country from becoming the "Venezuela" is no longer at the center at the same time, persuade politicians of the threat of adopting a cooperative attitude to maintain order? But, on the other hand, the question of cooperation itself is involved. What would cooperate? Participate in the continuity and exacerbation of the same policies that led us to the abyss? All that the opposition can do is to contribute to the anger that runs through the people and that does not go beyond peaceful channels, to which neither the government contributes too much by its violent and vindictive rhetoric.

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After a dark day for the economy, Macri asked "responsibility and caution"

It dialectic between electoral campaign and political transition will mark the agenda before December 10 if institutional times are kept in this difficult context. However, there is something that will be very important after the elections and the change of command: these months will also mark the transition to a new political scene You will have to recognize the enormous changes that are coming to maturity. On December 13, 2015, Morales Solá published in La Nación newspaper his Sunday column titled "A government without the right to make mistakes", referring, of course, to the new president Macri. He said word for word: "A possible failure would mean the return of populism for a foreseeable time." The dreaded failure has already occurred. Today's election winner is not "populism", a word that, in the mouths of neo-conservative communicators, does not refer to a regime or a way of conceiving politics, but is a designation condemnation directed against anything that is contrary to the will of society. The powerful of the country and the world. Today's winner is a plural front whose central agenda is the deepest reparation and, as soon as possible, terrible damage caused by the Macri and IMF policies. The distribution of the macrista did not suppose nor governed to consider itself like a pbading administration. He saw himself in terms of repayment, as a profound cultural revolution in the country. A revolution against the unions and the tradition of organizing and mobilizing the Argentine people. A profound and irreversible transformation in favor of the most comprehensive power of global corporations and the weakening of the state, to reduce the role of the protective police in the security of capital.

That's what failed, as the columnist feared. And this is not an abstraction. He has his own names, symbols, flags, including the one who once placed Hipólito Yrigoyen in the government, and then, with Alfonsín, manages the restoration of constitutional rights in the homeland. In case of conservation of the capital's government -There was a long time painted yellow in an obvious confusion between party and state- Macri's party will be back one year after its first election victory in 2007. Of course, you never go back to the past, because this reduction in power was not the result of a storm, but a serious political failure.

So what will politics look like in Argentina's right quadrant after the yellow sinking firmly accompanied by the radical party? Will it still be the media machine that performs its tasks? Will the attempt to build a popular conservatism come back from the hand of Peronist dissidence that never fails? If you keep the city of Buenos Aires, the PRO will be part of the discussion, even if its influence has been much reduced in recent years. The UCR will face its third disaster of the government after those of 1989 and 2001 and will have to revisit its present, limited to being a reserve of support for neoliberal experiences that do not even treat it with dignity. But all this will be seen after these hundred days. And the way we go through them will have a big influence on our future.