The fight for the vote before the financial abyss

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Then, his main concepts:

• This Saturday there were several
  mobilisations in the country to demand the continuity of the government of
  Mauricio Macri. Relatives of the president interpret this gesture as the beginning of a process that could reverse the results of the
  STEP and enhance the proselytizing aspect of the government's task and image of Macri, but that would not be his interpretation.
• Those who
  they said that they did not do it in favor of the government economy and many of them did not do it either because of their
  institutionality. It is very likely that they did so because of concern for a national agenda given by the
  transparency procedures, the quality of the management of State resources, the functioning of powers and, centrally, the
  Justice.
• In this event, there is also a strong message for
  Alberto Fernandez: There is a place mobilized around an agenda that can not be canceled and which is linked to a very negative and pessimistic perception of the institutional life of the country.
• According to what he said, Alberto Fernández is not
  Cristina Kirchnerand there is no reason not to believe it because, when the radicalization of Kirchnerism took place, he left that party and resigned power. What is not clear is what the presidential candidate wants to do for the
  In front of everybody with this mobilization that speaks to him too.
• Among the questions, one must know who will be, in a possible government of Fernández, the Attorney General and who, the Secretary and the Minister of Justice, because those who occupy these positions will serve as a bridge with
  Legal authority. The most important thing will be who will hold the position of executive delegate to the Judicial Council. At this point, we must wish that Fernández is neither Cristina nor Macri.
• Anyway, the most profound and decisive thing is to know what you will do with the Federal Intelligence Agency (AFI), because it is one of the great miseries of the Argentine democracy of the latter years and it is an evil that lags in length. a lot of time. There is a dark dimension and a bridge between the intelligence services and Comodoro Py. It is important that Fernández is also better than Nestor, Cristina and Macri on this plane.
• This is another account waiting for Macri with the institution, so it is likely that many who have mobilized do not approve of the current model and, conversely, have a different ideal than what They dream for the country in this matter.
• Fernández must solve, with much subtlety, what will happen to the
  causes of corruption against Kirchnerism who have strident objective elements like López's handbags. However, there have also been procedural arbitrations that have meant that some non-Kirchnerist judges want oral and public trials never to take place as this would lead to the collapse of certain cases.
• In this context, your
  
  speech on the situation in VenezuelaHe is very glbady and shows that his institutional vision leaves much to be desired. Fernández is probably manifested this way because
  Florence Kirchner is interned in Cuba, from where the console of the regime of
  Nicolás Maduro.
• This may force him to say that he follows the policies of Mexico and Uruguay, which consider that it is not a dictatorship because the three powers are working . However, in many dictatorships this happens, but as a fiction: it is enough to see how the Venezuelan Court and the Constituent Assembly work and how they relate to the executive power.
• Fernandez also baderted that a government elected by the people could not be a dictatorship, but more than 50 UN countries said the election had been made irregularly, especially because of the fact. a large part of the opposition candidates had been exiled or imprisoned. . In addition, Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini were also elected by the people. Therefore, with this criterion, they could not be considered a dictatorship.
• Venezuela It thus behaves like a kind of mirror and test bed where Argentineans discuss our institutionality in the light of the absence of Venezuelan institutions.
• Fernandez's speech on this point is also important because of the interests at stake, especially with regard to Donald Trump's administration. This is relevant because of the impact of the US President on the
  International Monetary Fund (
  MFIs) because the loan is centrally traded in the US Treasury.
• The IMF will be at the center of the financial policy of what would be a Front Front government. Therefore, economic policy must accompany a foreign policy of Kirchnerism, which limits the composition of the leftist space. The role of the Chancellor and the subtlety of Fernandez to go beyond the rhetoric that he is manifesting today will be decisive.

• Today, a very important meeting took place between Fernández and a delegation of Argentinian program managers within the Fund, who wanted him to join the Macri program. After this meeting, the candidate of the Frente de Todos issued a very clever statement because he said: "Institutionality, it's me." If any doubt about the economic institutionality of what comes next, the main guarantor, it's me. "

• According to Fernández, the government violated the institutional norms and the Fund acted outside the law that governs the Fund itself, by lending resources to a country that does not guarantee that it will not go through a bottleneck capital flight. What he argues, then, is that Macri and the IMF should give explanations for the loan and also states that
  Payments must be rescheduled.
• This opens a debate not only within the Fund, but will also echo within the government, as many members of the ruling party have already interviewed Macri on the dogmatic rigidity and difficulties of the planned program. These issues could be reflected in the campaign speeches of some of the key leaders of the
  Together for change.
• In November 2018, shortly after the close of the agreement, Alfonso Prat-Gay and Alejandro Werner (technical head of Argentina's program at the IMF) met at the G20 summit in Buenos Aires. Aires. The former finance minister had then asked him to review the agreement, believing that the IMF, being so recessive, would be responsible for the return of Cristina.
• The fund is particularly interested in Letes. Those who expire in November of this year quote with a cup of 65% and then wonder if the holders of these letters will renew them to the government or if, instead, they will ask for the money. If this happens, the Central Bank has to issue pesos to buy foreign currency in the market and, therefore, there will be a dollar movement, probably during the campaign, which will be caused by the current government's funding problem and its cash management.
• As Fernández points out in his statement, this will affect the financial stability and the level of economic crisis of the Macri government until the end of his mandate, but it will also affect the one he is baduming. The great novelty of this text is that, for the first time, an image of Fernández appears – and what could be a government led by him – is much more dramatic than it seems to be the prognosis that he had for his own management.
• Until recently, one could think that Fernandez imagined that he was going to play a scene similar to the one that he had received with
  Nestor Kirchner. During his first dialogue with Macri, he stated that he needed Cambiemos to do well for Argentina to develop in 2020. However, with this statement, Fernández shows that he does not believe that the country will develop next year, but that the scenario will be very complicated from a financial point of view and from the point of view of exchange; which would also generate greater poverty and a delay rate.
• Faced with this scenario, the question that arises is: what impact will this scene have on Together for change and on the front of all? Up to what point can Fernández convince all his partners that it is viable to bet on a favorable policy compatible with the market and the IMF? Can this abysmal financial scene be solved without a convergence of government and opposition, regardless of government and opposition?

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