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For this reason, the Burford Capital fund claiming $ 3,000 million from the national government could change its course because of an unadjusted new arrival from Madrid. Burford pleads because he has acquired the alleged rights of the Eskenazi family to obtain compensation for the manner in which Cristina Kirchner nationalized YPF. The Eskenazi sold this prerogative at a price of $ 15 million, and they were badociated with the claim by 30%. In other words, they would earn $ 1 billion if New York justice agreed with Burford. However, the Republic, represented by the Prosecutor of the Treasury headed by Bernardo Saravia Frias, denounced yesterday in the courts of Madrid that in his contract, Burford and the Eskenazi have committed fraud. YPF, whose legal guardian is Fabián Rodríguez Simón, has made the same request in Spain today. If Judge Loretta Preska of New York accepted the proposal, the aspirations of Burford and the Eskenazi would collapse.
The Eskenazi created, to "Argentinize" 25% of YPF, the Spanish companies Petersen Inversora and Petersen Energía, both controlled by a German company, which was later replaced by another Australian company. These companies had incurred debt from the banks and, most importantly, from Repsol, YPF's largest shareholder, that they would pay with the dividends of the oil company itself. When Mrs Kirchner nationalized the company, Petersen Inversora and Petersen Energía went bankrupt. However, the Eskenazi believe that they have a potential advantage for these companies: the alleged rights to compensation because YPF has been nationalized without respecting the status of the company.
From there, the Eskenazi sold this prerogative to Burford Capital, a fund specializing in the acquisition of contentious debts. According to the prosecutor and YPF, instead of admitting this sale, Burford and the Eskenazi simulated a financing contract. That is to say that the fund did not seem to acquire the rights to compensation but as a financier of Petersen Energía Inversora and Petersen Energía. Why this simulation would have been done? The prosecutor and the oil company headed by Miguel Gutiérrez maintain that, if the Eskenazi had wanted to badign their right to compensation, they would have been obliged by law to make an offer to the alleged debtor. That is to say the Argentine state. And the state could have bought those rights at about $ 15 million. In such a case, the family could not aspire to the expected $ 1,000 million badociated with Burford.
The prosecutor of the Treasury headed by Bernardo Saravia Frias, denounced yesterday before the courts of Madrid that, in his contract, Burford and the Eskenazi had committed a fraud. YPF, whose legal guardian is Fabián Rodríguez Simón, has made the same request in Spain today.
The accusation of the Republic and the YPF reaches the Eskenazi at a terrible moment. Various versions claimed that the financier Ernesto Clarens and the builder Juan Chediack had mentioned this family, but that, in the court of Claudio Bonadio, they had let them know that, if they did not withdraw this accusation, they would lose the benefits of repentance. Chediack reportedly commented on this request with Mauricio Macri himself. A photo of Bonadio with Sebastián Eskenazi having lunch at La Pecora Nera gave a reason for these rumors. So much so that the Federal Chamber asked Bonadio to conduct an investigation into his dinner and the rest of the family. Cristina Kirchner did not have the idea to denounce Bonadio 's arbitrariness. It would have been a boomeran. That is why he celebrates the appearance of the supposed intelligence agent and
self-appointed agent of DEA Marcelo D'Alessio. The Eskenazi were a central mechanism in the trading system put in place by her husband. To the point that, when they had to justify their spectacular enrichment before Judge Norberto Oyarbide, they argued that it was largely because this family was paying their savings with rates that tripled those of the market.
But there was no need to pressure Bonadio to investigate the Eskenazi:
Kirchner's accountant, Víctor Manzanares, affirmed what had always been suspected. That this family runs the black money of the former president and his secretary, Daniel Muñoz. And Carlos Zannini, current director of the Bank of Santa Cruz, and Francisco Larcher, head of the Intelligence Secretariat for most of the Kirchner period, participated in these operations.
In this context, the court of Bonadio transcended a joke that an audit will be conducted at the bank of Santa Cruz to verify the words of Manzanares. Does anyone suspect that Néstor Kirchner would have withdrawn from the white and verifiable accounts? If that were the case, they could have saved several years of journalistic and judicial work on the joyful "K money path".
The Eskenazi's relationship with Larcher was an open secret. And that explains several intelligence operations attributed, from a lot of evidence, to this family. It would also make the supposed secret trips of Larcher and Sebastián Eskenazi likely to financial destinations. It is striking that when a prominent journalist mentioned these trips on a TV show, YPF "punished" him by withdrawing his advertisement. It was during Kirchner's life.
The Eskenazi's relationship with Larcher was an open secret. And he explains several intelligence operations attributed, from a lot of evidence, to this family
The testimony of Manzanares is new: almost never Larcher, whose fortune had made a scandalous advance when he was in charge of the under-secretary of intelligence, had not been indicated in a judicial file. While his main companions are imprisoned in Ezeiza, he introduces himself as a member of Impera. It is an intelligence consultant in which Larcher is badociated with Richard Kendall, head of a foundation in support of the US security services, and Daniel Hoffman, former head of the United States. covert operations of the CIA. Larcher presents himself as an intelligence expert, just as D'Alessio said he was director of the DEA. It looks like an epidemic. Cristina Kirchner also appears as a persecuted "empire". Although the man and her husband, responsible for the management of national espionage, earns money (or lava money?) As a partner of espionage of the empire. The appreciation of Larcher for consultants is old. For a time, he justified his enrichment in the activity of Milikan, a company of this type led by his wife, Viviana Peña. Milikan shared the offices with Jorge Olivero, the husband of Silvia Majdalani, a close friend of Larcher and whom Mauricio Macri named as his successor at the second echelon of AFI. The mischiefed Kirchnerists suspect that this friendship, nourished by the eternal sessions of buraco, conferred an immunity to Larcher during the government of Cambiemos.
Will these benefits extend to Eskenazi? In recent months, acid rain has fallen on them. In mid-November, San Juan Federal Judge Leopoldo Rago Gallo sentenced the San Juan Bank of that family to pay more than $ 17 million for currency fraud. The Eskenazi appealed. The case is in the hands of domestic Alfredo Porras, Olga Arrabal and Gustavo Castiñeira de Dios.
In the last days, the imputation of Manzanares has been added. This is a relevant episode: it is this accountant who organized the documentation with which the Kirchner got the acquittal of Oyarbide. This is the case in which the judge said that Antonio Stiuso and Javier Fernández, who were working for Larcher, had "caught him by the neck" to order the dismissal. That he of course dictated. A typical case deemed fraudulent, which would require to reopen this file.
Yesterday, the problems were supplemented by two bad news. The lawsuit filed by Saravia Frías before the Spanish courts and the prosecution of Jorge "Corcho" Rodríguez. Judge Sebastián Casanello notably sued this businessman for the alleged payment of bribes from Odebrecht. Rodriguez, in addition to sharing a consultation with the son of Julio De Vido, was part of Sebastian Eskenazi's environment. They say that Eskenazi and Marcelo Odebrecht met thanks to Rodriguez. "Cork" also performed other tasks, such as visiting the bars of luxury hotels by photographing the movements of those people about whom his friend needed information. We see that Larcher was not enough.
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