The new deal trial was before bankers in New York – 05/05/2019

The trial of the deal, with clothing and lights, took place at a hotel in New York on Wednesday, May 1st. Before the first, as in Columbus. It has been interpreted by the representatives of the ruling party and by the opposition of the Congress. More than 200 representatives of investment funds and banks, with past, present or future interests in Argentina, attended the 9th Annual Latin American Conference of BBVA. Federico Pinedo, Senator Pro, and MEPs Luciano Laspina (Chairman of the Committee on Budget and Finance) and Marco Lavagna (Front Renovation) testified that the country had a future because more than 50% of parliamentary representation lives on the planet of normaland is not engaged in the Christian apocalypse. "Just listen to this," says the minister responsible for collecting images for the 10-point photo. In the United States, listening to a "congressman" is something else, compared to Argentina, where the legislature has much less prestige. There, being a deputy or senator opens doors, closes them here. That's why what this trio presented has dramatically improved the music of the reserved reports that reach the investors, on the prospects before the electoral scene. Pinedo described the political "techniques" of Argentina – Cambiemos and its electoral minority, the accumulation of laws obtained through negotiation, reforms to eliminate the deficit in the provinces and reduce it in the region. National administration, tax reform, fiscal consensus, etc. When he finished exposing, he gave the microphone to Laspina and Lavagna so that they could complete, from their point of view, the future scenario. Lavagna said the government and his party could agree on low spending targets, institutional reforms, compliance with international commitments in concept or long term, but that he was an opponent because he There was no agreement on how to do it and rejected the method. this government applies to achieve these goals. Without saying so, and perhaps without knowing the 10 points of Frigerio-Pichetto, he remained in the guidelines of this document, which are not very different from those that Roberto Lavagna exposes during his meetings with d & # 39; other leaders.

How much do they add 1 + 1 in politics

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Laspina described, as expected, the strength of the political method of change to achieve the laws that Pinedo had exposed. He spoke at the Kennedy School of Administration at Harvard about the difficulties of getting out of populism and focused the predictions on a current and future reality. After December 10, whoever wins the election will win. No sector will have a majority in Congress in 2020. This will force extreme efforts to reach consensus on reforms, but it is also a brake on extreme extremesRegardless of the outcome "On the electoral plane," he said, "1 + 1 is not equal to 2, but at the parliamentary level, 1 + 1 equals 2 and serves to bring together 2/3 to stop the madness and rule. " He completed the rap with the idea that we had to look at the foundations and not the roof of the Argentine process. The changes made implicitly with the opposition agreement allow us to look to the future and are, furthermore, the condition for being able to cope with the current crisis, to which it would be impossible to remedy without the reforms initiated since 2015. "These four years – They have experienced a painful transition but: a) the consolidated public accounts have gone from -8% to -3% of GDP, b) 80% of the price adjustment (c) the current account deficit has risen from -5% of GDP to -1.5%, and (d) the real exchange rate is at very competitive levels. he said, "forces us to make efforts to reach an agreement on the reforms, but it is also a brake for the extreme leaders, the one who wins. I am very optimistic for 2020 if the course is maintained. All conditions are in place for a successful stabilization of the economy, which succeeds in reducing inflation and regaining growth. "

The benefits of countercyclical policy and the anxiety of the politician

The Empirical Policy Manual recommends defining a counter-cyclical policy, not just a counter-cyclical one. In Creole format means open the game to other players and close, in any case, malaria. The angurria brings a lot to be mean when all goes well – successful elections of 2017 – and to open the doors when the shoe is tightening. The risk is that when that does not work, you open the door and instead of entering someone, someone takes the opportunity to escape. This is what the government is suffering from this renewal of the accordist wing. It's also what it had to do in 2015 and 2017, to badert itself in a platform that would ensure the future. But the sulfur fireworks to celebrate the good legislative election took their lucidity. They accelerated the harbadment of legislative leaders Emilio Monzó and Nicolás Mbadot. They boosted the program with inflation targets just a week after the entry of the new legislature – December 28 this year. They became so weak that in six months they fought against Carrió and the radicals for an energy policy. Macri lost the three officials closest to his heart and brain, namely Juan José Aranguren, Jorge Triaca and Federico Sturzenegger. . Macri paid dearly: he got the tariffs, had to deal with his relations with Carrió, hurt by the pension reform and money laundering, and lost his main badet, namely the ability to pull party of the legislative minority, laws that other scenarios they would have needed an absolute majority.

Lessons from the agreement in Olivos

Review the manual serves the experience of other people, for example spend an hour with Felipe González in Olivos, where the former Spanish Prime Minister arrived on Thursday at nap time . He was accompanied by his wife, whom Juliana Awada attended while the husbands locked up for an hour. Felipe spends these days in the country in a tour that reunites him with businessmen and politicians, and witnessed all the Argentine transitions. One day he arrived in the country to be with Macri, in an appointment that prepared Ambbadador Ramon Door, who was also in Olivos but did not attend the meeting. Puerta was president between 21 and 23 December 2001 and played a leading role in a meeting with Felipe, who had come to see Fernando de la Rúa. Puerta entered one of those brief days in the presidential office and met Felipe at the office door, next to Carlos Bulgheroni. "I'm coming to see him in De la Rúa," he introduced himself. "The president, it's me," replied the missionary. Felipe is a theoretician and a practitioner of membership. He has pbaded the motto "Pact of Moncloa", which nobody remembers what it was, and they usually apply it even to solve marriages. That's why he's talking about "governance", a translated word in translation (governance) in business documents. The godfather of the PSOE, winner of the elections in Spain last Sunday, is not the future prime minister, Pedro Sánchez. In his stories about these elections, he points out that he did not participate in the national campaign, but that the regional leaders of socialism invited him more than usual to acts, probably to benefit from the legendary aura of his character "Chinese vase". Felipe cruelly described, shortly after leaving the government in 1996, the exmandatarios: "They are like big Chinese vases in small apartments, they are supposed to have value and no one dares to throw them away, but they really annoy everywhere. "These stories of the past fascinate Macri, who entered politics under the guidance of another Chinese vase, José María Aznar, who told him:" Do as we do, gather everything what is on the right of the left ".

The obsession with marketing puts them all afloat

Nobody can say at this point what will be the fate of this final cleanliness by agreement. Delegates from both sides renewed their titles, but the choreography does not help. The idea of ​​doing something to block the Peronism of the blockade – the Cristinism – sailed without lights until Thursday, and everyone measured his clothes for the photo, or asked internally whether or not to speak to the government. The government attributed this leak to the press this afternoon to some of the opposition interlocutors who wanted to take advantage of the fragility of the situation. This mismanagement of the marketing of the 10 points agreement, exposes the government to the risk that, if it does not end with something solvent, weaken it even more.. The angst of marketing more than ever for the parties at stake. The Cristinism ignores if the thousands of copies of the campaign book signed by Cristina will be translated into votes. This is a product for his own activism that seeks to improve the profile of urban voters lists – books, not sneakers – but selling 200,000 books does not mean 200,000 votes for, and if that were not enough, that would not be enough to change the story. For his part, Macri himself validated the publication of the photo Monday, broadcast from the dining room of the house of Cristian Ritondo, with the expanded driving table of the Pro. Was there something to celebrate? No, Olivos ordered to show them together to Peña, Larreta, Vidal and their friends, in order to dispel the disqualifying invasion that had resulted in the CICYP lunch at Alvear, which seemed to crown a possible candidacy of María Eugenia. Olivos believes that this maneuver is an attack on both sides. One, one that is encouraged by businessmen and politicians terrorized by a possible Cristinist triumph and that asks the government to put Vidal in the game, as they presume more popular than Mauricio. Another flank is the Opposition, which enjoys the maneuvers of Plan V, which seeks directly to devalue Macri as a candidatewhen he is the only one – of all parties – to participate in the race before everyone and for a year.