The pride of money | Grobocopatel and the "disappearance …

The famous "crack" as the axis of confrontation of the media agenda was born from the product of a distribution of income offer. The starting point was the conflict over mobile retentions and the war cry of the local bourgeoisie and their communication apparatus against what they saw as the threat of a popular government. The substantive discussion was a tariff which, in practice, functioned as an imperfect tax on an extraordinary income, whereby the state sought to appropriate not the wealth of the soybean but a portion of the income plus high generated by the extraordinary prices at that time, I reached the soybean.

It should be recalled that oilseeds are the main exporting complex of the economy. Although local production is relatively diversified, mainly thanks to the ISI, to the import substitution industrialization developed by the agro-exporter model of the 30s of last century and which s & # 39; It was extended until 1975, and its international integration still shows a clear specialization. in vegetable proteins for the production of animal proteins. Speaking badly and soon, in soybean mill waste used to feed Asian pigs. It was precisely the Asian industrial revolutions that triggered the commodity prices of the first decade of 2000 to the 2008-2009 US crisis.

Then, beyond subsidized industrial sectors, which export within Mercosur corralito products which are characterized by their low global competitiveness and which, over the years, have gradually reduced their national composition, or by the oligopolistic metallurgical industry which has developed thanks to sustainable development. State aid during the ISI, the country's export basket is mainly composed of primary products (PP) and manufactured products of agricultural origin (MOA). The local economy has never ceased to be fundamentally agro-exporting. The big limit of the ISI was precisely not to have developed an internationally competitive industry. And even worse, having generated a clbad of industrial entrepreneurs who, once monopolized in their markets, have become an obstacle to the continuity of development and have adopted the neoliberal ideology.

This is the essence of the sectors of the economy. In the margins, there are some industrial activities with high potential, such as pharmacy, nuclear and satellites. These cases show that the country has human capital to compete in advanced sectors, an evolution that also required sustained support from the state. Turnkey reactor exports are made by a provincially owned company (INVAP), as well as satellite production, which depended on state-made purchasing. In both cases, these are samples of potentiality, but they have no correlation in the clbad structure, ie they are not reflected in the creation of a bourgeoisie with characteristics different from that of the agrarian base, diversified in the fields of logistics and finance, or industrial oligopolies consolidated during the ISI.

Knowing who are the sectors that today represent agriculture, industry and services is fundamental to understanding the country model defined over the last fifty years. The Macrist Alliance has very clearly who these areas are and knows how to interpret them. Therefore, the announcement of a possible free trade agreement between Mercosur and the European Union, of which no one has yet been signed and which still has to pbad many filters to the East and west of the Atlantic, has been a real media and political success. focus on various social sectors and that, that is the point, also managed to go from the center stage to the collapse of the economy, at least for a few days. Cambiamismo continues to demonstrate a greater ability to make politics than to administer the state.

The draft agreement works on the common sense already built. For local businessmen, because of the nature described, they still love the idea of ​​a lower rate. For them, it is something much more concrete than the most elusive processes of development and structural change. For the workers, including the middle clbades, the idea of ​​the agreement works like little mirrors of color. They imagine a world in which they will buy more imported products of quality and cheap. Something that looks like the explosion of "Apple Stores" promised by Cambiemos during the 2015 campaign. They do not even wonder where their income will come from in the future. Finally, the imagination also weighs, and millionaires who vote far from poverty badume that free trade with the EU brings them closer to Europe.

The first notable fact is that after the announcement made by Japan, the public debate did not address the actual costs and benefits of the deal, its winners and losers, the content negotiations or long-term obligations that could affect the economic policies of future governments. The debate was limited to a regression of the nineteenth century on the alleged virtues of free trade and protectionism.

The second notable fact is that the announcement again highlighted the lack of strategic vision of the local bourgeoisie. Even the Industrial Union itself (UIA) has declared itself in favor. At this point, it should be emphasized that the UIA is a label controlled by the oligopolistic capital that appeared during the ISI (like Techint and Aluar) and in which transnationalized sectors participate, such as the automobile subsidiaries of European parent companies, which, with the elimination of customs duties in the country. Mercosur will quickly be converted into an importer (like FIAT). More predictably, the entities representing the agricultural sector were also in favor, which even reached the brutal honesty of recommending the population to consume less meat in order to generate more exportable surpluses. It will be necessary to see how they will think in the face of competition with French cheeses and wines or with olive oil from Spain and Greece, although so-called regional economies are poorly represented in the sector. agricultural.

The third notable fact is the shift of an outsider from this agricultural leadership, but very ideologically active in the media, the so-called "soy king", Gustavo Grobocopatel, who postulated that the agreement would lead to the "disappearance" of sectors of the economy, complicated verb if there is any for the local history. It is unclear whether it was a lightened version of Shumpeter 's creative destruction, declared by someone whose economic knowledge is based solely on the fact. arrogance of money, or another act of brutal sincerity that knows that his sector will not count among future generations. faded away