The radicalization of Bolsonaro is already a world show

The distorted mode in which Jair Bolsonaro sees Brazil and its history is already known to Brazilians. Now, the world seems to begin to understand that the president of the largest democracy in Latin America lives in a parallel reality.

There is an example of how Bolsonaro views Brazil's history: although most Brazilians consider the military regime that was in power from 1964 to 1985 to be a cruel military dictatorship that suppressed opposition, the president, it's really a moment when the army did what was necessary to free Brazil from communism. His sentences concerning this period are already known: "The mistake of the dictatorship was to torture and not to kill" or "Anyone looking for bones is a dog", to refer to the investigations of the victims of the military regime.

Now that Bolsonaro has begun to make state visits and be a protagonist of the global scene, the perplexity generated by his distorted view of history is no longer limited to his compatriots: the entire planet, to the great embarrbadment of the Brazilians, witnesses Wonderland in which the president of Brazil seems to live.

Beyond the racist, misogynistic and homophobic comments already widely circulated, every time Bolsonaro speaks out of the Brazilian borders, he noted his deep lack of preparation in the important issues of the country he leads: the sinuous economic course of Brazil, recovery in employment rates and pension and retirement system reform.

It is on the international scene that two alarming aspects of Bolsonaro are revealed more clearly: his shortcomings as president and his lack of skill as a geopolitical actor. His statements and his gaffes outside of Brazil can undermine the international alliances that Brazilian diplomacy has established for decades.

In his first speech as president, Bolsonaro said: "Brazil foremost", reminiscent of the "United States first", of US President Donald Trump. The sentence, which seems to announce the isolationist course of its international politics, attracts the followers of nationalism, but generates uncertainties among its regional and international partners. His threat of abandoning the Paris agreement – which he subsequently qualified and who did not comply at the end due to internal pressures – has led the Brazilian government to seem erratic and not to commit to respect international treaties.

His biased reading of political history was seen during his first official visit to a foreign country: on March 19, he met Donald Trump at the White House. Upon arriving in the United States, he said that Brazil had elected "anti-American" leaders in recent decades, while he would be a friend. This is however a misunderstanding: Brazil and the United States have had close relations for years. Former presidents such as Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff and their counterparts Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and Barack Obama, there have been more than just visits, compliments and accolades. decades, the United States is Brazil's second largest trading partner

Nevertheless, Bolsonaro wants to build a false narrative that "the left", represented by his predecessors, fed a sense of confrontation with the United States. And to show this "new" rapprochement with the North American country, Bolsonaro made important concessions: he gave Trump commercial facilities, offered the abolition of visas for his nationals in Brazil, and suggested to a given moment to be open to construction by the United States military on Brazilian soil. In return, the Trump government has given little or nothing in some petitions, particularly in favor of the integration of Brazil into the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).

The international route of Bolsonaro has continued in Chile. In the preamble of his visit, Bolsonaro's chief of staff, Onyx Lorenzoni, praised the macroeconomic fundamentals imposed by Augusto Pinochet during the military dictatorship. This statement, coupled with the praise Bolsonaro had made to Pinochet in the past, provoked repulsion in Chile. Civil organizations have called for a demonstration against Bolsonaro and even some MPs have presented a project to be declared persona non grata. "I have protests against anywhere in the world I go to, the important thing is that in my country, I have won an outstanding victory," said Bolsonaro.

During his stay in Chile, the Brazilian president seemed to be at ease in his parallel world: a paradise where he still ruled Pinochet, endowed with an unbeatable retirement system – which, according to Bolsonaro, will serve as a model for pension reform – and to a certified company. But Bolsonaro ignored that Chile had changed since the end of the dictatorship thirty years ago. The pension system that Pinochet imposed is a failure. So much so that the current Chilean president, Sebastián Piñera, has promised to modify it. Chile is today a stable democracy, with a healthy alternation of power and which, although slowly, is beginning to repay its debts to women, to the LGBTTI community and to the victims of the dictatorship.

Even President Piñera, a center-right politician, did not congratulate Pinochet. In 1988, Piñera voted for the end of the dictatorship at a historic plebiscite and today encourages the opening of judicial proceedings for crimes committed under the Pinochet regime.

Bolsonaro's last official visit took place in Israel, a country he admired for his power of war, for the right-wing position of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and for his fight against "terrorism". Moreover, because Jerusalem is a symbolic reference for Brazilian evangelicals, who are an important part of their most fervent disciples.

Once again, there is a whole reality that Bolsonaro refuses to admit. Israeli society is modern, diverse and cosmopolitan. He has one of the most dynamic LGBTTI communities in the world and progressive intellectuals.

Bolsonaro must understand that the incendiary speech that he used to win the Brazilian elections is not universal or does not work in the delicate world of international relations. In many countries, his Manichean and reactionary rhetoric provokes rejection and affects Brazil's reputation.

In a world characterized by global cross-border challenges (drug trafficking, terrorism, migration and humanitarian crises), it is unacceptable for a president to choose an isolationist position. But if you are traveling to create problems – like in Israel where, under pressure from Brazilian exporters, you had to go back on your decision to change the Brazilian embbady in Jerusalem – you'd better stay home.

Their international performances leave a very worrying question. If you do not know how to behave in a world where no country is an island, will you have the conditions to govern well?

The author is a Latin American correspondent of the Folha newspaper of São Paulo.

* Copyright: c.2019 New York Times News Service