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Caracas lived precariously normal on Saturday morning. Subway cars without air conditioning and crowded with people; some shops open their doors and people looking to do their day hunt for rare products in popular markets. Near the Parque Cristal building, a traditional opposition gathering venue, the outdoor flea market was installed early, as every Saturday. A little further, in the interior of Parque del Este, a group of women practiced yoga; Near the Miranda metro station in Caracas, scoundrels planned their misdeeds. street children played "metras" (small balls) in a field; and some street vendors planted small plants and flowers in bamboo containers to go out and sell them on the eve of Mother's Day.
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On Saturday, the opposition march that usually crosses Francisco de Miranda Avenue towards the main concentrations did not appear, any more than nobody in front of the Crystal Park raised flags, placards or hats tricolor. Caracas seems to be about to sink into another dimension of custom: in the political immobility that contributes to prolong indefinitely the worst economic tragedy experienced by all American countries of the modern era.
"Everyone is busy solving their problem day by day," says a woman, stressing how difficult it is to live in a country where you have to have two or three jobs to eat half; where public transport collapsed, as well as water, gas and electric lighting systems; and there is also an extreme shortage of drugs. Staple foods can not be bought because the minimum wage is about $ 7 a month. the same as a kilo of cheese costs.
Few people at the Saturday demonstration in Caracas. EFE
As a cruel paradox, this precariousness, hunger and rage that, in theory, should fuel mbad demonstrations, They seem to act as a collective demobilizer.
The explanations are generally concrete and all related in a certain way: besides the physical fatigue and the fear of the repression, the opponents of the regime are confronted with difficulties of organization and communication to diffuse their messages.
Political parties they are short of middle managers, especially without young people, Confessed the other day a former MP who is hiding today to avoid being arrested by the army. It is also extremely expensive to obtain transportation to mobilize leaders and protest groups. In the event of a major national demonstration, military and police forces close access to Caracas to caravans that enter other cities in an attempt to form a large mbad of refugees. people who have the opposite force.
Since the big protests of 2017, the country has changed, the exodus has accelerated and many young anonymous activists who had heated the demonstrations and had the habit of confronting the police and the police. soldiers with stones and give them tear gas canisters on the street also left the country.
At least 30 members, many of them, young agitators in the manifestations of the past or able to mobilize executives, are today exiled (11), imprisoned in military prisons or refugees in embbadies, according to a chronicle of the site from Caracas The stimulus (Www.elestimulo.com).
Not to mention the fact that in Venezuela, radio and television media are censored and demonstrations are called via social networks. Chavismo has also perfected his techniques to cut Internet connections and block social networks when opposition leaders try to send messages via YouTube or Periscope.
Saturday's scene contrasted with the mbadive demonstrations of the beginning of the year, in which enthusiasm and hope were on people's faces. In subway cars, which usually shut down the government when there were opposition marches, it was not possible to see a group of protesters heading towards Alfredo Sadel Square, in Las Mercedes, in the municipality of Baruta, where it would be the last appearance of Juan Guaidó.
The main avenue of Las Mercades, which in the last organized concentration, overflowed from Chacaito to near the autopista del Este (about two kilometers), seemed to be a normal Saturday: cleared and with a traffic of cars in several channels. There was hardly any retention at the end of the avenue, close to the square itself. The protesters had been summoned at 10 o'clock in the morning. But it was 12:30 and Guaidó spoke barely 700 people..
Some listened carefully, others talked to each other or went for a walk. It would have been possible to approach, climb on the platform and pull the skirts of the bag towards Guaidó. You do not have to press too hard or push yourself to take a selfie with the platform installed in front of a swarm of domestic and foreign reporters.
"Today, I ask Venezuela not to rest for a single day until the end of the usurpation, the persecution.We have reached a turning point for Venezuela.We are in prey to fear, inaction, or we remain united in the street at any time, "said the Speaker of Parliament, recognized as acting president of the country by some 54 US and European governments.
His words seemed to want to thwart a collective feeling, certain atmosphere of despair and defeat this seems to be enforcing among the ranks of the opposition after the latest political events.
When the phenomenon Guaidó appeared at the beginning of the year, it triggered a collective effervescence that motivated the ranks of the opposition. His arguments are overwhelming: Maduro's current period of power, which began on January 10, was born of early elections of more than six months; where it was forbidden for the main opposition parties and their historical rulers to participate; where there were clear official benefits and the purchase of votes.
The election was also convened by a constituent badembly created by Maduro himself to govern with supreme, absolute and sovereign powers, who usurp the functions of the opposition parliament. According to opponents and jurists, these circumstances determine the illegitimacy of the current government. And therefore a vacuum which, according to the Constitution in force, must be provisionally filled by the President of Parliament. In this case, it corresponded to Guaidó. But it is difficult to maintain these arguments before a government that does not accept objections, refuses to negotiate and even more to give up power.
"On May 1, many of us were walking on the Santa Fe highway, but they did lead us," says a woman in her 50s, accompanied by her husband and sister, recalling the fierce crackdown on the Santa Fe highway. # 39; gas aid and bullets last significant concentration of opposition. This week the crackdown left about five murdered and several wounded and more political prisoners.
"People expect more, beyond speeches, where they say what we already know," complains a man with his wife and teenage son. They came to the concentration of Catia, west of Caracas. In his region where, he says, no one can protest because opponents are constantly threatened by "collectives" who call to Venezuela armed paramilitary bands attached to the United Socialist Party in Venezuela, in power.
"Ask for military badistance (external)." Stones against bullets have no chance. "These people are not going out by the good ones nor by the elections, but in the meantime, we continue to support him", declares a father after hearing Guaidó's speech.
At the beginning of the morning of April 30, the opposition leader appeared in front of Francisco de Miranda air base in Caracas, surrounded by soldiers and Leopoldo López, the most famous political prisoner of the country, who had been released in At the beginning of the rebellion, it was known that the head of the political police Sebin, General Manuel Cristopher Figuera, participated.
Opposition leaders expressed hope that a crowd of people would invade the streets to support the rebellion, excite other disgruntled soldiers, head to the centers of political and military power, and bring about a radical change in the situation. Venezuela. None of this has happened. Guaidó and López retreated to the iconic Plaza Altamira, in Chacao, where they attempted to regroup their forces and march west of the city (a bastion dominated by bands of armed Chavist civilians), but they were confined to some 700 meters further. Chacaito, by the police with riot gear.
Two other attempts also took place to displace the mbades: last Saturday, when opponents approached military installations to present documents that would be burned by uniforms; and now this Saturday 11, when he was summoned to Caracas and several cities of the country to protest the blow to parliament.
After the failure of the civil-military revolt, a Maduro emboldened himself and received the overt support of the armed forces high command. launched a witch hunt against civilians and military opponents, including the deputies who visited the Altamira distributor on April 30, in front of the air base.
Opposition leaders expressed hope that this May 11 call would be widely followed, knowing that in recent hours, a dozen MPs were forced to enter the underground, to exile or be taken prisoner. their homes attacked or attacked with threats and were exposed to the mockery of the public.
Chavismo accuses them of treason and submits them to summary trials, renouncing the Constitution, which orders the precedence of merit to deprive a legislator elected by the people of his immunity. The same people who voted overwhelmingly in December 2015 for these neutralized leaders who at the time – three years ago – believed they could use the power of the qualified majority in Parliament to expel Chavez and change l & # 39; history.
But Chavismo ignored the outcome of this election and withdrew his constitutional functions in Parliament until it became a forum for discussion without real power, because in Venezuela the only effective power today is that of the weapons.
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