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Within eight days, justice should move on very serious cases of corruption in which Mauricio Macri, his corporate group and the managers around him are involved. The scandals total at least 11 billion pesos. They cover the debt of the Post – which dates back to 2001, 18 years ago – in which a maneuver was intended to hide and cancel no less than 4.8 billion pesos. There is also the irregular purchase of wind farms and the immediate sale with a profit for the presidential family of 2,760 million pesos. In the trickster's maneuver, they used armed companies even in Luxembourg and an unusual loan of $ 5 million to the presidential brother. The list shows the manipulations with the participation of Macri group in Ausol, the largest toll company. On this negotiation they took, also irregularly, 2,300 million pesos. After increasing the toll by 250%, the stock they sold rose from 4 to 75.50 pesos. The sale of Macair (Macri Air) to Avianca has not been less scandalous. It had been promised by the Macri government to grant him 36 airways, which allowed him to make an additional profit of 460 million pesos. Avianca stopped flying today and 200 employees do not load two months ago. The irregular package also includes what emerged from the Panama Papers, where an additional 460 million pesos were transferred between ghost companies created by the Macri group in Panama, the Bahamas, Brazil and Italy. To cover as many cases of corruption and escape, the president had the support of the Comodoro Py apparatus, which was sometimes dedicated to the direct burial of the scandal and, in d & # 39; In other cases, there were open files in which important measures were taken. The legal fair.
Postal fraud
Mauricio Macri, government, and Mauricio Macri, Correo, were surprised when, on both sides of the counter, they tried to cancel all the debt that the Macri group had incurred as of 2002 for fees that were owed. he had never paid. What Macri owes, at a minimum, is about 4.8 billion pesos.
Judge Ariel Lijo, then head of the Ministry of Communications, Oscar Aguad, director of legal affairs of this ministry, is behind the case of the prosecutor Gabriela Boquín, who is behind the l & # 39; case. Juan Mocoroa, President of the Post (Grupo Macri), Jaime Cibils Robirosa, and the traditional Macri agent, Jaime Kleidermacher. The investigation was completed in March, more than four months ago, and yet the magistrate has not yet resolved the prosecution for the maneuver involving the crimes of violation of obligations of public officials and negotiations incompatible with the public service.
In parallel, as regards the debt itself, the Macri group has offered to pay 296 million euros, which it owed in 2002, but without taking into account the interests and updates for the moment that would add more than 4,500 million, although some calculations estimate this figure much higher.
The Macri group says it would pay interest and updates if the state won judgments about the nationalization of mail. This is another maneuver, especially since some of these lawsuits began after 2016, when they were already negotiating with the current government.
The Treasury office, in the hands of a close friend of the group, the Macri's historical lawyer, Bernardo Saravia Frías, must answer for the rude offer of mail. But the case goes from scandal to scandal: the bankruptcy of the Macri group had to be decreed after two years and the process has already taken 18 years. It is the longest procedure of bankruptcy and contestation of the history of Argentina.
Toll Scam II
Toll maneuvers have been amazing with the incredible increase in rates and the sale of shares, but a cause has taken off. Prior to the legal fair, prosecutor Carlos Stornelli promoted the investigation against Mauricio Macri for a presale maneuver for Ausol shares – the one who manages the Panamerican company – a company in which the Macri group held 7%. As in the post office, Macri was on both sides of the counter: in the company and in the state. The scandal is a major brand, to the point that even a prosecutor like Stornelli, so aligned with the government and Macri, forced him to open the file.
As denounced Tailhade, Moreau, Grana and Castagnetto, A few days before baduming Macri, a complaint was hastily filed before the ICSID, the World Bank's International Tribunal, claiming to the state the sum of $ 1,100 million for backlog of rights customs.
The Macri government agreed to pay $ 499 million to the Macri group company and took advantage of the conflict negotiations to finalize the renewal of the Pan American toll contract, which was the real goal.
Journalist Alejandro Bercovich revealed data from an armed file by Ausol's Ausolist Laura Andino before the Macri government seized power. The conclusion was that the company was largely cost-efficient and had one of the highest returns in the country. The ICSID application was therefore a trap. The real goal was to raise $ 499 million in repairs and force renewal.
The case, on the instruction of Judge Rodolfo Canicoba Corral, has a key witness: the former director of legal affairs of the national highways, Julieta Ripoll. The lawyer participated in the first negotiation meetings with Ausol and was dismissed.
The maneuvers were therefore to pay compensation, renegotiate the concession, excessively increase tolls and sell the shares. If a calculation is made on the basis that the Macri group and the president only receive seven percent of the maneuver – it is suspected that they have a much larger stake – at the end of the process, they had more than 2300 million pesos left, clean. The complaint was lodged by the Union of Road Workers and Allied Workers of the Argentine Republic (Stvyara).
Scam in the mills
A year and a half ago, in January 2018, we complained that the Macri group was left irregularly with $ 48 million in a handshake with the wind farms. The case is heard by Judge Marcelo Martínez de Giorgi and the prosecutor is Eduardo Taiano. Until now, no one has been the subject of an investigation.
The Spanish company Isolux Corsan, Macri's partner in several companies, had been awarded the contract for six wind farms in Chubut under the previous government. However, I was in crisis following allegations of corruption in Spain. In Argentina, he had failed to make progress in the parks and had developed only one, Loma Blanca IV. To finalize the handshake, Macri's historical accountant, Mariano Payaslían, formed a series of companies, revealed by the journalist Emilia Delfino, of Profile. These companies bought wind farms for $ 25 million.
Shortly after, in 2017, Loma Blanca I, II, II was sold to a Chinese company, Goldwind, for $ 33 million, while Loma Blanca IV was sold to a company of banker Jorge Brito for $ 40 million. dollars. Due to the credit situation of the Spaniards and the terms of the specifications, the sale of the parks required the authorization of Banco Nacion and Enarsa, both dependent on the government. The lack of investment should also have resulted in the total loss of Isolux rights and the return of the parks to the state. The concrete thing is that the sale was authorized and that in the handshake, the Macri group was found with $ 48 million.
In this situation, another trick has been added. Isolux again won a call for tenders in October 2016 and won the Miramar and Loma Blanca VI wind farms, also located in Chubut. The prices were contested even by the former minister Juan José Aranguren, but they continued. The truth is that these parks were also sold to companies related to Payaslian and ended up in the hands of the Chinese company Goldwind. It is unclear when there will be money left for the Macri group in this latest maneuver.
Apparently, the companies that bought and sold the parks have hidden shareholders in Luxembourg and act under the name of Rainbow Finances, which has seven partners. Along the way, there are also two accounts of the Macri group in the United States.
One detail that further aggravates the picture is that one of the alleged companies, Usir, has entrusted Presidential Brother Gianfranco with an inexplicable maneuver.
The plaintiffs are MPs Tailhade and Doñate and the crimes are negotiations inconsistent with the public service, the traffic of influence and the insider trading.
Air scam
The Macair (Macri Air) sales operation has illegalities and irregularities in all its aspects.. Many complaints will have to be examined if they end up starting after the fair. In Comodoro Py, they claim to be frightening causes. President Mauricio Macri himself, the secretary of the presidency, De Andreis, and many officials are indicted. The crimes are an unlawful badociation, negotiations incompatible with the public service, an influence on the traffic and irregularities in the administration of the airspace.
The Macri group sold the airline knowing that the same government Macri would badign links, which is an badet for any airline.. In total, 36 routes have been awarded for 15 years. The pilot guild explained that the sale was for $ 10 million, while Macair had only three or four aircraft valued at $ 1,200,000. The rest of the value has to do with the roads. It seems sung that at the end of the operation, in October 2016, there was already a promise of granting routes, which happened in February 2017.
It is clear from the complaints that the Avianca subsidiary did not even have the necessary documentation to be allocated roads, to the point of providing a guarantee from the company Sinergy Aerospace, which was only completed after the tender of the road. The pilots' union denounced the "fraudulent price".
Today, the situation is of the highest gravity. Avian suspended his flights for 90 days, filed a crisis file and then appealed to creditors. There are 200 employees who have not been paid for four months and, of course, social security payments have not been made. Rumor has it that those behind Avian, Colombians – Brazilians, did not pay the entire Macri group, the government released his hand and the airline went into crisis.
But the amazing thing about Comodoro Py is not just the speed with which he advances in the lawsuits against the previous government, possibility of burying causes where the name Macri appears. However, these files could be reactivated if there is more political and media coverage they have today. There are media outlets in the world that have missed the processing of major court cases.
The Panama show
As is known, on April 3, 2016, the scandal known as Panama Papers broke out, a leak that uncovered thousands of armed companies according to the Panamanian Mossack Fonseca study and which was used to transfer black money in tax havens. They expected to find companies and accounts K. But it turns out that they found companies and accounts M. In total, about 50 Macri-related companies appeared.
The case was heard by Judge Sebastián Casanello and the prosecutor Federico Delgado and transformed two companies, Fleg Trading and Kagemusha. Mauricio Macri, who served as director of both companies, never appeared in affidavits. The president said that they were not moving and that they were not asking for any statements. However, $ 9 million was transferred from Fleg Trading of the Bahamas to the owners of Brasil, Socma (Macri companies) do Brasil and Fleg Traders of Brazil, which, it seems, later found themselves in Italy. the hotel Nuraghe Porto Rotondo, Sardinia, owned by a family friend, Giorgio Nocella.
Prosecutor Delgado and the complainant, MP Darío Martínez, said that they should continue the investigation, but Judge Casanello decided, after a report from the Financial Information Unit, an agency aligned with executive power, that there was no evidence to consider the crime. Money laundering The magistrate considered that the case was more a tax evasion or rather a "malicious omission" of concealing a good or a company in the tax returns. With the help of the German prosecutor Germán Moldes, Macri managed to escape, essentially accusing his father, Franco, who, as always, took care of everything while claiming that the companies that he he had armed and Mauricio played no part.
The case is asleep today in the economic criminal court. Süddeutche Zeitung, a newspaper led by the international consortium of journalists who conducted the investigation on Panama Papers, was surprised by the moderate treatment reserved for Mauricio Macri in the reports.
At least, in the case of Panama Papers, there are 460 million pesos in dance and the 50 companies armed by the Macri group in different places have yet to be investigated: Panama, Luxembourg, London, Italy, Brazil and Bahamas.
Toll Scam
The shares of Autopistas del Sol (Ausol), which manages the Panamerican group, were worth four pesos in January 2015. When Mauricio Macri took over, knowing that the president was at the head of the group that had a party of 39; Ausol, the C action was at 14:50. From that point on, Macri increased the toll rate at Ausol from 200 to 270 percent, according to schedule, and as a result, the stock climbed to 75.50. At that time, the Macri Group sold seven percent of its stake in the company for $ 19.7 million. With the action at 4 pesos, the sale would have been two or three million dollars.
Despite this, many say that the sale was simulated and the buyer, Natal Inversiones, had no experience with tolls and had not worked in the field. To the point that he had to change his statutes. Immediately, the renewal of the concession was signed with an obvious simulation: Gabriela Michetti, so that Macri is not exposed. The stock then rose to 103 pesos.
Margarita Stolbizer complained, prosecutor Guillermo Marijuán asked for measures and then did not want to move forward: he dismissed the complaint.
whitening
The Supreme Court must decide whether the deputy Felipe Solá has the right to challenge judiciously the money laundering of members of the family of Mauricio Macri and other representatives of the government, which the President has amended by decree. The law also did not prevent the whitening of brothers.
However, Several things were striking about the 622 million pesos laundered by Gianfranco Macri, presidential brother. In the first place, the disproportion with the badets declared by the president, barely 126 million pesos, that is to say Mauricio – much more important than Gianfranco in the companies – turned out to be infinitely poorer than his brother .
At the same time, Gianfranco admitted to the International Consortium of Journalists that together with another brother, Mariano, was concealing four million dollars, about 170 million pesos in current value, in the FBC. Corporation of Panama, with an account in Switzerland. The money had been hidden in Hamburg, pbaded to the Swiss country then the brothers took advantage of the money laundering.
All this is, legally speaking, always in the fog.
Metro, business and coima
The Macri group, through Iecsa, has been awarded one of the most important works of the country: the burial of Sarmiento. The terms of reference stipulated that the winning consortium had to guarantee funding, but the Odebrecht, Iecsa, Comsa, and Ghella alliances had not received the money. Macri came to the rescue with a decree of necessity and urgency, drawing 40,000 million pesos to finance the works.
In Brazil, Odebrecht leaders admitted to paying bribes to officials of the previous government. The judge of the case is Marcelo Martínez de Giorgi and the prosecutor is Franco Picardi. Until now, the magistrate has sued former officials but dictated the lack of merit to the businessmen, including the presidential cousin, Angelo Calcaterra. However, a few days before the fair, AFIP itself requested the opening of an inquiry into Macri's family member, as it had become apparent that Iecsa had signed contracts for non-existent services and, in so doing, probably paid bribes. The falsity of a contract between the consortium and a Spanish company, DCS, and another contract between Iecsa and another consulting company, CAESA, has already been demonstrated.
The right arm of the former Secretary of Transport, Ricardo Jaime, admitted that there had been bribes, but his testimony has not yet been approved. In Uruguay, an account appeared in which payments would also have been made: Jorge El Corcho Rodríguez is the one that the prosecutor said, but he says that he has never managed this account in Montevideo, but that It was Uruguayan and Brazilian executives themselves. There were also payments made by companies in Andorra and the suspicion was that company officials claimed to have paid bribes, while keeping the money and investing in Miami. In fact, the leaders of Odebrecht appear with important hidden properties in Florida.
Any undercover trading is suspected. From the call for tenders to financing and, of course, the payment of the millionaire coimas.
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