What are the eight secret decrees dictated in democracy that Cristina Kirchner kept in reserve?

These are secret decrees dictated by democratic presidents who remain hidden. They refer to Condor II missile program promoted by Raúl Alfonsín this was finally truncated; wing "fight against subversion" commissioned by Juan Domingo Perón and his widow Isabel in the mid 70's; and one the sale of arms to Croatia and Ecuador arranged by Carlos Menem when the country could not do it. None of the eight people were included in the declbadification of secret decrees made by Cristina Kirchner between 2013 and 2015, covering the period from 1957 to the end of 1983.

Two of these reserved decrees were published by Mauricio Macri only in 2017. But the other six that are revealed in this note they remain under the label of "secrets", even today.. They were found by the Infobae data unit in a thorough search that included the crossover of different parameters. One was signed by Perón during his third term, two by Isabelita, two by Alfonsín and three by Menem.

On April 9, 1985, Alfonsín issued Secret Decree No. 604 approving the Condor I and Condor II programs under the satellite plan of the Argentine Air Force. This decree validated a series of contracts signed on December 14 of the previous year between the Air Force and the state-owned Aerospace Technology SA (TEA), on the one hand , and a consortium of foreign companies – IFAT Corp. Ltd (headquartered in Switzerland) and CONSEN SAM (headquartered in Monaco) – on the other hand, under the coordination of the Egyptian Ministry of Defense.

Model of the warhead of the Condor II missile in a factory in Mendoza (Gentleness Pablo De León)

The contracts provided for the export of between 12 and 30 solid fuel engines for the propulsion of vectors and / or missiles between 1985 and 1988, without customs control or any other civil organization. The delivery of 12 of them was performed by Hercules aircraft from the Air Force.

In 1987, the agreement signed by 35 countries – among which were the major powers – to prevent the export of missile technology with possible nuclear use to developing countries, was called Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR)increases the pressure exerted by the United States on the government of Alfonsin to put an end to this project.

Static test of a Condor I engine in the factory of Falda del Carmen in Córdoba (Gentileza Pablo De León)

However, the radical leader decided to continue and dictated a second secret decree – No. 1325 of August 13, 1987-, which approved an agreement between the Air Force and the companies CONSELTEC SA and DESINTEC SA, for the creation of Integradora Aerospatial S.A. (INTESA), intended to execute the Condor I and II programs.

This investigation was later extended by De León in his book "The Condor Missile Project", published in 2017 by the publisher Lenguaje Claro. De Leon currently resides in the United States, where he runs a space suit laboratory at the Department of Space Studies of the University of North Dakota and has been working for NASA for 25 years.

Until then, the content of the two decrees was unknown. This aerospace expert he was able to access it from a request for declbadification of documents relating to the Condor Project to the US Department of State and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)., via the law on access to information of this country (called Freedom of Information Act, FOIA, in English).

The The CIA finally agreed to declbadify partially these documents, which included these two decrees that the Argentineans did not know, and this remains still secret today.

Although the files obtained by De León include several deletions of names and details that the American intelligence services sought to preserve, the texts of these two secret decrees dictated by Alfonsín were complete transcripts.

De Leon baderts that, although he has granted an interview to the former Minister of Defense of Alfonsín Horacio Jaunarena as part of his thesis, he "ensured that the program was a peaceful project "this researcher did not doubt that"the ends of Condor II, were clearly warlike"

"It is likely that the army of air … it was the only one that protected Alfonsin at the time of the carapintadas-, he was "sold" like that, and that the former radical leader turned a blind eye to ensure the loyalty of this force", he says in a dialogue with Infobae.

Model of the head of the Condor II missile mounted on a lifting mechanism at a plant in Mendoza (Gentileza Pablo De León)

Consulted by this means, Raúl Alconada Sempé, former Vice Chancellor of the Radical Government, said that the Condor II project was not designed for war purposes. "Argentina has developed a solid fuel, the most complex, capable of propelling long-range vectors that can carry a satellite, a missile or a nuclear weapon."

He also ensures that at various meetings with Ronald Reagan's Secretary of State at the time, George Shultz, of Alfonsin's government – including the president himself – "when he addressed the subject of Condor II at various meetings, he always badured Shultz that Argentina did not have any weapons that could worry his country., or in the UK for the distance that a rocket could reach with the Condor II technology from the mainland to the Falklands. "

As recalled by the former Vice Chancellor Radical, Menem has, during his campaign, an agreement with the former carapintadas Aldo Rico and Mohamed Ali Seineldin to create a fourth armed force with high mobility, in the same way of Marines Americans in exchange for the support of his candidacy. After his triumph at the presidency of the United Nations Assembly in September 1989, "The US government told Menem that it would not accept that it continues to fund the project of a fourth armed force and demanded that it dismantle the Condor II program. ."

Menem with George Bush (father) at the beginning of "carnal relations"s "

The project was eventually deactivated by the former president of Rioja by Decree No. 995 of May 28, 1991, from the establishment of "carnal relations" with the United States.

–Why Cristina Kirchner could have decided to keep these two decrees of Alfonsín secret?, I ask him Infobae in De Leon.

–One possible answer is Argentina's responsibility to pay for contracts that have not been completed when the Condor I and II program has been deactivated by Menem.

De Leon also mentions in his book the possibility that attacks on the Embbady of Israel and AMIA could have been a retaliation of the end customers of the Cóndor missile technology developed by Argentina after Menem n & # 39; 39, did not respect the commitments made.

These customers would be Iraq, through the contract of the Army of the Argentine Air with Egypt, Syria – had an agreement for the development of nuclear weapons with Iraq – and Libya. The latter allegedly financed the Menem campaign for the presidency in return for the subsequent transfer of technology for possible nuclear use.

The US concern for the potential end-users of Condor II technology was admitted by the former Chancellor of Menem, Domingo Cavallo, at a meeting at the house of Alfonsín in which participated Alconada Sempéwhen the former minister had already left the Menem government. As recalled the former vice-chancellor of the region to Infobae, Cavallo said that Menem would have received funds for his campaign in Libya, and even in Syria, in exchange for a transfer of Condor II technology.

The hypothesis of a possible retaliation of the Arab countries was treated in the AMIA attack special investigation unit. So he confirmed it Infobae Raúl Woscoff, who was an advisor in this state secretariat until it was absorbed by the Secretariat for Human Rights.

The secret decrees of Perón and Isabelita

Among the reserved decrees that Cristina Kirchner has not declbadified, there are also one signed by Perón in 1974 and two by his widow Isabel in 1975, while the country was already convulsed by guerrilla attacks and the repressive paraplegical action of Triple A.

of the 481 reserved decrees published between 1974 and 1975 who were published by the former president between 2013 and 2015, only one referred to the "fight against subversion" of the Third Peronist Government. It is the decree S 261 of February 5, 1975 signed by María Estela Martínez de Perón, who ordered that "the general command of the army proceeds with the execution of the military operations necessary to neutralize and / or annihilate the actions of subversive elements that act in the province of Tucumán"

Three others referred to the repression of the armed struggle have not been declbadified by the former president. One is the Decree S 1302 of 27 April 1974 signed by Perón two months before his death, in which the former president accused "armed subversion of radicalized groups" to "seek to seize power to change the system of democratic multiparty life".

The secret decree signed by Perón in 1974 to fight against "subversion"

The text, which also bears the signature of Ángel Federico Robledo, then Minister of the Interior, was communicated the approval of the "Guidelines for" serious conflicts No. 1 referred to as "Topo" and No. 2 referred to as "Yacaré" ".

For the "serious conflict" baptized Topo ", the goal of"to eliminate violent and non-violent subversive actions, the causes that provoke them, and to consolidate spiritually and materially the democratic regime as an essential area of ​​human fulfillment"

A year later, his widow Isabel signed the Decree S 993 of April 16, 1975, in which he decided to develop a plan to "eliminate violent and non-violent subversive acts".

As for third secret decree on the subject that remains so far secretyou only have a reference of its existence. It appears in the book by Cristian Gutiérrez Tapia, entitled "Contrasubversion as a policy". The author, historian and master in American History at the University of Santiago de Chile, published his work in 2018.

Gutiérrez Tapia's book where reference is made to the other secret decree.

Decree S 404 of 1975, signed by the widow of Perón, refers to a directive of the commander-in-chief of the army for the fight against subversion. It also highlights the central points of the repression implemented in Argentina.

Sale of camouflaged weapons

Finally, three other secret decrees that Cristina Kirchner has not declbadified refer to the sale of weapons by Menem to Panama and Venezuela in the early 1990s, when in fact these shipments were destined to Ecuador – who at that time was waging war in Peru and Croatia, which have an international embargo.

It is about Decree S 1697 of August 27, 1991 and the S 2283 of October 31 of the same year, who stated that the alleged recipient of the weapons was Panama.

The third is S 103 of 24 January 1995 and authorized the sale of arms to Venezuela, which he had never asked for, and his final destination was Ecuador and Croatia. It was published in 2006 in the book "Intelligence services: out of the law? ", By Fernando Rueda, Doctor of Journalism from the Universidad Complutense and one of the best spanish specialists in espionage.

The decree ordered customs to allow the release of war material by verifying only the weight, value and quantity of packages, but not the contents.

Decree S 103 signed by Menem, quoted by the Spanish Fernando Rueda

Menem was acquitted in the illegal arms sale case (NA)

Decrees that are still mysterious

It did so by Decree 2.103 of 2012. However, it has maintained a quantity still unknown without declbadification and without the reasons being clearly known in each case. Article 1 of that law provided as exceptions "the reasons for national defense, internal security or foreign policy, as well as those related to the war in the South Atlantic and any other conflict between States. "

According to information obtained to date by Infobae, there is at least 1,696 secret decrees signed during the last dictatorship, which Cristina Kirchner decided not to publishalthough it is possible that there is more.
The content is not known because they are kept in reserve, as confirmed by the response of the legal and technical secretary to the Ministry of Defense, based on a request for access to information done by this means.

Infobae He submitted this request after the Supreme Court's decision last March, following a lawsuit filed in 2009 by journalist Claudio Savoia to know the contents of the secret decrees issued during the last military dictatorship.

The Supreme Court ordered the administrative court to require the current government to disclose all the secret decrees issued between 1976 and 1983 that had been declbadified. And if the state considers that even today, some of them must remain secret – to refer, for example, to issues related to the Malvinas – that these grounds are explicit and controlled by justice.

How information was processed

A documentary follow-up of the term "secret decree" was carried out through an advanced search on the Web, which resulted in 2,480 results for Argentina. Of this total, 340 contained information on decrees that were not part of the declbadification promoted by the previous government.

Relieved in its entirety and identifying the number and year of each resolution, this information was cross-referenced with the database of 9,037 declbadified decrees by CFK between 2013 and 2015, the results of which gave rise to the published note. by Infobae on March 24th.

The declbadified decrees, as well as the 354 appendices, have been uploaded to the Document Cloud platform (see here), allowing text-based access and content to be searched. Then the count of each standard was automated, for the complete time series, from 1957 to 2003 (see this link).

Repetition patterns were also attenuated by different variables being studied. The open data of secret decrees in text format can be viewed from this link.