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Missy Ryan and Greg Jaffe
For US Defense Secretary Jim Mattis, this week's NATO summit presents a central test: how to preserve an American-European alliance that he considers crucial for the America's security without meeting a boss who does not share
The summit, which will reunite Mattis and President Donald Trump with the traditional allies of the United States, illustrates the tightrope that the former general has since his arrival at the Pentagon. The two differed on torture, the war in Syria and, more centrally for Mattis, the value of America's alliances in the face of an increasingly aggressive Russia and other threats
Mattis has compensated by minimizing the differences with Trump. and urging Europeans to judge the administration by its actions and not by the president's tweets
. But over the past few months, Mattis' task has become more difficult. Relations with Europe are at their lowest for decades as allies prepare for another acrimonious meeting with the President who last month harshly criticized them at the Group of Seven Economic Summit in Canada . Meanwhile, Trump has turned or sidelined key foreign policy advisers who share Mattis' internationalist vision.
Recently, Trump suggested to helpers that he could reduce American force levels in Europe if the allies do not boost spending. "They are killing us with NATO," Trump said last week during a speech in Montana. "They kill us." He then called for better relations with Russian President Vladimir Putin, whom many NATO allies regard as their greatest threat.
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Setting the Stage
These statements echoed throughout Europe prior to the NATO summit and paved the way for Mattis, who will have to decide on the goodwill that will be achieved. He wants to take with the president to calm the allies who begins to wonder if the United States is still committed to their collective defense.
"Mattis is caught in the middle," says Jim Townsend, a former Pentagon official for Europe and NATO who is now a former fellow of the Center. for a new American security. Dana White, Pentagon spokeswoman, said that Mattis has repeatedly stressed the importance of NATO while calling, as Trump did, an increase in military spending in Europe. But instead of launching threats, Mattis has been leaning on exhilarating language, extolling the importance of the alliance in the fight against terrorism and against Russia.
The difference in approach was particularly evident when the German Defense Minister visited the Pentagon last month. Mattis praised Germany's plan to increase defense spending to 1.5% of GDP by 2025, a mark still well below the 2% target of l & # 39; alliance. Trump was less accommodating, accusing Chancellor Angela Merkel this week of exploiting the United States by under spending for defense while Germany enters into new agreements with Russia for natural gas
. to protect themselves against Russia, and yet they pay billions of dollars to Russia, "tempers Trump."
Contrasting rhetoric
Contrasting rhetoric is revealing of Mattis' different perspectives, including the national defense strategy claims American alliances as "the backbone of global security". ", and Trump, an American businessman who often speaks of them as a leak on the American coffers.
Mattis "better understands the meaning of allies," says Frank Hoffman, defense specialist, whom Mattis used to help draft the defense strategy. "Whenever he's gone to Iraq or Afghanistan he has been with the armies of other countries, he thinks it's important, based on his own experience and his knowledge of history. "
The two men differ even more a Renewing Russia, whose activities in Ukraine, Syria and even Europe, including an attack of nerve agents in Britain, would have energized NATO capitals and prompted the Pentagon to spend billions to add troops and troops. equipment in Eastern Europe.
Prior to his confirmation, Mattis warned against Russia's intention to break the Atlantic alliance and use subterfuges to expand its influence in the West. Since he came into office, he described Russia as the "threat to the Pentagon" – the nation that the US military should be prepared in the short term to counter.
Earlier this year, he described Russia as a "revisionist power". which has "violated the borders of neighboring nations and exercises a veto over the economic, diplomatic and security decisions of its neighbors".
His harsh speech contrasts with that of the president, who contradicts the findings of intelligence agencies on the elections. Interference and suggested that he could recognize the annexation of Crimea by Moscow
Bedrock's Principle
After the NATO summit, Trump will travel to Helsinki, where he will hold a summit long awaited with Putin. "Getting around is a very good thing," said Trump of Russia and Putin in Montana. Last year, Trump let Mattis and the rest of his national security team in embarrbadment when he picked up the words of his first NATO speech reiterating the United States to the Article 5, the fundamental principle of the alliance "We are with us," said Mattis a few days later. "We will always be here, and we will be there with you."
It is unlikely that Mattis can persuade Trump to mitigate his rhetoric. His best bet, according to former Admiral James Stavridis, who commanded US forces in Europe, is to avoid a "potential collision".
"He knows that it can be more effective in quietly convincing the president," he says. Much of Mattis' work this week in Brussels will probably take place behind the scenes. The NATO summit is set up to amplify the voice of the US president, and Trump's speech to the allies will likely be the centerpiece of the meeting. Mattis will almost certainly be at his side for that. If Trump searches for allies, the Secretary of Defense will have to rely on private conversations during lunches, dinners and coffee breaks to calm them down.
Europeans "trust Mattis", says R. Nicholas Burns, former diplomat ambbadador to NATO. "They do not trust Trump."
Lately, questions have swirled over the influence of Mattis with Trump. Trump called for the creation of a "Space Force", to which Mattis opposed, and promised to withdraw "very soon" US forces from Syria, against the advice of his general. During his flash summit with North Korean leader Kim Jong-a last month, Trump promised to stop the military exercises with the South. While the president and Mattis had discussed the cancellation of the exercises, Trump made his final decision without consulting his defense secretary, who did not participate in the talks.
The staff jolts left Mattis with less close allies. Mattis had a close connection with Rex Tillerson, who was fired earlier this year as a secretary of state. The White House chief of staff, John Kelly, a former sailor and friend of several decades, has seen his influence dwindle amid reports that he could leave this summer.
Pentagon officials downplayed the importance of changes and disagreements. played an active role in political deliberations. "Determining who is in place and who is falling week after week is the sport in Washington," a senior US official said on condition of anonymity to discuss internal deliberations. "The fact is that this president does things differently, it's nothing more than that."
THE WASHINGTON POST
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