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London. Col Juliet Samuel writes in his badysis of the British newspaper The Telegraph on the growing problem of the European Union with migration and the prospects of dealing with it. FOCUS News Agency presents the material without editorial intervention
With sun-brightened Britons, they are one of the modern products of the popular tourist sites of southern Europe: Arab and African men selling tourist souvenirs. These men (and sometimes women) come from many places. Some escaped military service or slavery in Eritrea; others have gone in search of a better life than the poor but peaceful villages of Tunisia or Senegal.
If they manage to raise enough money and find a place on a boat crossing the Mediterranean, their chances of reaching Europe are high – 98% of them succeed. . That's why people continue to try. But once they arrive here, integration into society is not easy. Even those who have legitimate claims for legal asylum must wait months before being treated. That's why they come to live hard and make fake designer handbags.
While I was a student, I thought that a land without borders could be a cosmopolitan idyll where different people could exchange ideas and vote freely for their governments
But now we're seeing what it really looks like: miserable camps at railway stations and ports, a thriving human trafficking industry, and a growing sub-clbad of informal workers in places that already have millions of unemployed people. As a result, we see the rise of far right parties all over Europe and the beginning of what could be the gradual erosion of the European project
The wave of migration has been fueled by technology and increasing wealth, which for the first time in history has allowed millions of people to avoid conflict and migration for economic reasons
The EU has not created this situation, but with its migration policies, it has removed the means of intervention of national governments and, with its legal structure, has removed the capacity for interference of Brussels because national politicians can not agree on a common approach. And the more pro-European politicians try to collectivize politics, the more they spark the flames of populist revolt
The messy government of Italy has raised the temperature. Last week, the new Interior Minister Matteo Salvini ordered Sicilian ports to return a ship with 629 migrants from Africa. "There are no homes and jobs for all Italians, which remains for half of the African continent," he said.
As the "Balkan route" to Europe was closed by Hungarian and Austrian barbed wire, Italy was the entry point of choice for entry into Europe. Last year, more than 172,000 migrants arrived by sea. This year's number is 61,000 up to now. Meanwhile, the unemployment rate in Italy is 11%.
Ignoring this politically explosive context, French President Emmanuel Macron precipitately accused Salvini of "cynicism and irresponsibility".
When the rejected ship finds refuge in Valencia, along with the socialist government of Spain, Macron promised to allow its pbadengers to obtain citizenship in France – as long as their asylum applications are justified. This, of course, is part of the problem.
The processing of asylum applications can take years and Italy is overwhelmed by them. Instead of being part of a performance list that may require documents that they do not have, most migrants disappear into the gray area after their arrival. Nearly 1% of the population of Italy – about 500,000 – would be illegal immigrants, most of whom arrived in the last five years
Of course, the perspective of life in Italy is often not the reason that attracts migrants. Many would prefer to go to Germany or Sweden: places with enough jobs and generous shelters. Stressing the pan-European nature of the problem, Rome has asked Brussels to help in the control of migratory and Mediterranean flows for years. But the EU can not answer and can not change its rules on the distribution of migrants because national governments do not agree
Now the problem of migration is carried even by the strong political consensus in Germany. Shaken by the sudden rise of the far-right party Alternative to Germany, the center-right German cracks. Advocates of anti-immigration are led by Horst Seehofer, Minister of the Interior and leader of the Bavarian Christian Social Union
He threatened to withdraw from Angela Merkel's ruling coalition and ruin the government if he did not accept the return of many non-European migrants to the German border. Merkel is currently fighting to hold a quick intergovernmental meeting to agree on migration reforms ahead of the June EU summit. It is unlikely to succeed.
The problem is that on migration, as for the euro, Europe is stuck. Its pro-Brussels politicians would like to share more equitably new migrants between the Member States, freeing Italy and Greece and demanding more than Germany and France.
But these same politicians face fierce competitors at home who are determined not to let that happen. Anti-European politicians, on the other hand, are divided into two camps. The first, like the Italian government, blames the EU for putting the cargo on the front line and refusing to help
The latter, who are in power in Hungary and Poland, are angry with the EU for forcing them to accept migrants.
The result is that the EU can not do much to ease the migratory pressure, but it will not allow national governments to take control. It is therefore likely that we will see a gradual erosion of the rule of law in the EU, while governments take matters into their own hands, whether they like Brussels or not, that they erect barriers, build criminal centers and return boats
Over time, the power will move organically away from supranational European institutions and back to governments and negotiations between them. Merkel's desire for an intergovernmental summit on migration is a clear signal of this change
The more the Eurocrats oppose this trend, the more they will become unpopular. And this will be manifested in the European Parliament, one of the three main centers of power, where voters are likely to start putting more eurosceptics
Macron has already threatened that Marin Le Pen's vote in the European Parliament elections next year could surpbad his. These elections will be the first to be held without the United Kingdom, but instead of disappearing, the Eurosceptic groups will begin to regroup
I still do not expect the EU to collapse dramatically, as many Brekitt supporters have predicted for years. But his sacred cows – such as freedom of movement and the Schengen zone – will become vulnerable. His decrees will begin to lose strength and his authority will be diminished
Hopefully this will lead to a peaceful and pragmatic transition to a more liberated and less federalized European Union. For migrants, more power for national governments means a harder environment. What is not clear, is if national governments will be more successful than Brussels in reducing demographic waves
With sun-brightened Britons, they are one of the modern products of the popular tourist sites of southern Europe: Arab and African men selling tourist souvenirs. These men (and sometimes women) come from many places. Some escaped military service or slavery in Eritrea; others have gone in search of a better life than the poor but peaceful villages of Tunisia or Senegal.
If they manage to raise enough money and find a place on a boat crossing the Mediterranean, their chances of reaching Europe are high – 98% of them succeed. . That's why people continue to try. But once they arrive here, integration into society is not easy. Even those who have legitimate claims for legal asylum must wait months before being treated. That's why they come to live hard and make fake designer handbags.
While I was a student, I thought that a land without borders could be a cosmopolitan idyll where different people could exchange ideas and vote freely for their governments
But now we're seeing what it really looks like: miserable camps at railway stations and ports, a thriving human trafficking industry, and a growing sub-clbad of informal workers in places that already have millions of unemployed people. As a result, we see the rise of far right parties all over Europe and the beginning of what could be the gradual erosion of the European project
The wave of migration has been fueled by technology and increasing wealth, which for the first time in history has allowed millions of people to avoid conflict and migration for economic reasons
The EU has not created this situation, but with its migration policies, it has removed the means of intervention of national governments and, with its legal structure, has removed the capacity for interference of Brussels because national politicians can not agree on a common approach. And the more pro-European politicians try to collectivize politics, the more they spark the flames of populist revolt
The messy government of Italy has raised the temperature. Last week, the new Interior Minister Matteo Salvini ordered Sicilian ports to return a ship with 629 migrants from Africa. "There are no homes and jobs for all Italians, which remains for half of the African continent," he said.
As the "Balkan route" to Europe was closed by Hungarian and Austrian barbed wire, Italy was the entry point of choice for entry into Europe. Last year, more than 172,000 migrants arrived by sea. This year's number is 61,000 up to now. Meanwhile, the unemployment rate in Italy is 11%.
Ignoring this politically explosive context, French President Emmanuel Macron precipitately accused Salvini of "cynicism and irresponsibility".
When the rejected ship finds refuge in Valencia, along with the socialist government of Spain, Macron promised to allow its pbadengers to obtain citizenship in France – as long as their asylum applications are justified. This, of course, is part of the problem.
The processing of asylum applications can take years and Italy is overwhelmed by them. Instead of being part of a performance list that may require documents that they do not have, most migrants disappear into the gray area after their arrival. Nearly 1% of the population of Italy – about 500,000 – would be illegal immigrants, most of whom arrived in the last five years
Of course, the perspective of life in Italy is often not the reason that attracts migrants. Many would prefer to go to Germany or Sweden: places with enough jobs and generous shelters. Stressing the pan-European nature of the problem, Rome has asked Brussels to help in the control of migratory and Mediterranean flows for years. But the EU can not answer and can not change its rules on the distribution of migrants because national governments do not agree
Now the problem of migration is carried even by the strong political consensus in Germany. Shaken by the sudden rise of the far-right party Alternative to Germany, the center-right German cracks. Advocates of anti-immigration are led by Horst Seehofer, Minister of the Interior and leader of the Bavarian Christian Social Union
He threatened to withdraw from Angela Merkel's ruling coalition and ruin the government if he did not accept the return of many non-European migrants to the German border. Merkel is currently fighting to hold a quick intergovernmental meeting to agree on migration reforms ahead of the June EU summit. It is unlikely to succeed.
The problem is that on migration, as for the euro, Europe is stuck. Its pro-Brussels politicians would like to share more equitably new migrants between the Member States, freeing Italy and Greece and demanding more than Germany and France.
But these same politicians face fierce competitors at home who are determined not to let that happen. Anti-European politicians, on the other hand, are divided into two camps. The first, like the Italian government, blames the EU for putting the cargo on the front line and refusing to help
The latter, who are in power in Hungary and Poland, are angry with the EU for forcing them to accept migrants.
The result is that the EU can not do much to ease the migratory pressure, but it will not allow national governments to take control. It is therefore likely that we will see a gradual erosion of the rule of law in the EU, while governments take matters into their own hands, whether they like Brussels or not, that they erect barriers, build criminal centers and return boats
Over time, the power will move organically away from supranational European institutions and back to governments and negotiations between them. Merkel's desire for an intergovernmental summit on migration is a clear signal of this change
The more the Eurocrats oppose this trend, the more they will become unpopular. And this will be manifested in the European Parliament, one of the three main centers of power, where voters are likely to start putting more eurosceptics
Macron has already threatened that Marin Le Pen's vote in the European Parliament elections next year could surpbad his. These elections will be the first to be held without the United Kingdom, but instead of disappearing, the Eurosceptic groups will begin to regroup
I still do not expect the EU to collapse dramatically, as many Brekitt supporters have predicted for years. But his sacred cows – such as freedom of movement and the Schengen zone – will become vulnerable. His decrees will begin to lose strength and his authority will be diminished
Hopefully this will lead to a peaceful and pragmatic transition to a more liberated and less federalized European Union. For migrants, more power for national governments means a harder environment. What is not clear, is if national governments will be more successful than Brussels in reducing demographic waves
Ionian Dochev
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