Democrats challenge Trump to hire foreign policy advisers



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Joe Biden

Former Vice President Joe Biden is expected to play a leading role in foreign policy. | Jeff Swensen / Getty Images

2020 elections

Several foreign policy advisers told POLITICO that they had already been approached by three or more campaigns, or people affiliated with campaigns, to gauge their interest.

By NAHAL TOOSI

Democratic policy strategists in foreign policy are once again flagship products.

In the last two years they have been frozen under President Donald Trump. And during the 2016 election cycle, Hillary Clinton held a near-monopoly on the establishment of Democratic foreign policy.

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But now, with nearly two dozen Democrats running for president, these experts say their phones are ringing with inquiries. Several foreign policy thinkers told POLITICO that they had already been approached by three or more campaigns, or by campaigners, to gauge their interest. With relatively few Democrat candidates with significant foreign policy experience, these advisers are particularly desirable hires.

"The process at this stage is a bit like a mix between a basketball game and Afghan tribal politics," said Brian Katulis, a foreign affairs analyst at the Center for American Progress, who has still not joined a candidate.

"It's a sellers' market," added a Democratic foreign policy strategist, who, like most of the people contacted for this report, requested anonymity for reasons such as campaign rules. "We are constantly having this discussion as part of the campaign I'm working on with people already taken."

At more than a year of elections, many leftist foreign affairs specialists are afraid to commit to a single candidate or not to talk about it publicly. Many said they wanted to give advice to any White House hopeful, and some are affiliated with think tanks or other organizations that have special rules for election work.

In addition, at this stage, it is quite obvious that a candidate you are registering with will quickly get by and that you could jeopardize your chances of participating in another campaign or getting a job in a future administration. democrat if you talk too much about supporting a person. .

Slowly and discreetly, however, many candidates are building stables of privileged foreign policy advisers – structures that will certainly develop in the months to come. The need for such a device is particularly glaring for many Democratic candidates with little experience in foreign policy.

Among the candidates, former Vice President, Joe Biden, would have a major influence on foreign policy. In part, this is due to his close ties with the Obama administration's elders, his passing through Congress as chairman of the Senate External Relations Commission, and the relationships he has built over the years with many leaders. world.

Biden also has the luxury of turning – unofficially – to the people of Penn Biden Center, a global business institution based at the University of Pennsylvania after leaving his post. Among the leaders of the center are personalities who served with Biden under President Barack Obama, including former Deputy Secretary of State Antony Blinken.

"The deep skills and close relationship of Vice President Biden with world leaders help him to restore our status to the world on the first day … … He is grateful to be able to count on a group of advisers from confident to do this vital work, "said Biden campaign spokesman Andrew Bates. in a report.

Senator Kamala Harris, of California, has also become a favorite among former Obama administration officials, especially those who had a lot of experience and who worked for Clinton when she was Secretary of State. . Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts also drew the attention of this crowd.

Jake Sullivan, Clinton's most prominent foreign policy critic, has not yet formally aligned with any particular candidate. But several young foreign policy gurus of his generation, personalities aged between 30 and 40, look at Pete Buttigieg, according to people familiar with the situation.

The 37-year-old mayor of South Bend, Indonesia, speaks several languages ​​and has spent time abroad, but he is still in the dark about foreign policy, which means that the one with the ear who could have it would have a considerable influence – an attractive prospect for coming.

Former Texas representative Beto O'Rourke, in his forties, holds a similar call. Mr. O. Rourke also has limited experience in foreign policy, but he can boast of having served on the Armed Forces Committee of the House and representing El Paso, a border city of Mexico.

Bernie Sanders, an independent Vermont senator who challenged Clinton during the 2016 primary, learned the hard way that he could not ignore foreign policy.

During this cycle, Sanders preferred to focus on national and economic issues, arguing that he was a heavyweight in international affairs. It did not help Clinton to maintain the loyalty of hundreds of left-wing foreign policy experts, leaving him with few options.

In 2017, Sanders recruited Matt Duss, a progressive who helped the senator define a broader vision of foreign policy. At this point, the Sanders campaign is based on a "strong core" of about 10 foreign policy advisers that he regularly calls, said a senator's advisor.

So far, democratic campaigns have generated little bitterness in the search for foreign policy talent.

Democrats across the ideological spectrum are largely united on broad themes such as the need to repair damaged ties with their American allies. This feeling of unity is, for the moment, the reason why many foreign policy experts feel comfortable giving advice to more than one candidate.

"There is still no real competitiveness, the field is so vast, varied and win," said the Democratic strategist for foreign policy.

"Demand is stronger [for advisers]but it's still kumbaya, "added a former Democratic National Security official.

This is a notable contrast to the first battle of 2008 between Obama and Clinton, which campaigners described as particularly ugly. Clinton and her husband, former President Bill Clinton, dominated the Democratic Party at the time and Obama was seen as a long shot. The Clinton team hinted that anyone joining the Obama team was giving up a chance to work for his future administration.

Both sides were particularly divided over the US invasion of Iraq, which Clinton authorized to allow during his stay in the Senate. Obama used this foreign policy issue to separate from Clinton, eventually winning the primary.

This time, not even Biden's staff, who runs many polls, make such threats – and his campaign says he has no intention of doing so.

Because Democrats see the overriding goal of overthrowing Trump, many of them have partnered to create advocacy organizations such as Foreign Policy for America and National Security Action, to maintain a sense of urgency. Unity even when the race warms up.

National Security Action, for example, offers a foreign policy strategy and advice to all campaigns. The goal is to help Democrats avoid a damaging internal war on more controversial foreign policy issues, such as US-Israeli relations, military spending, and the war in Afghanistan.

At this stage of the presidential primaries, campaigns are more focused on national issues. However, the strength of the economy could push Democrats to tackle controversies abroad, such as Trump's desire to withdraw his troops from Syria or his continued support for Saudi Arabia's military actions in Yemen .

Although campaigns may have one or two paid foreign policy advisers, most of these roles are unpaid.

Volunteer counselors write position papers and talking points, often in regionally focused working groups, such as the Middle East, or a theme, such as human rights. Legislators who run for the presidency have the advantage of being able, at least informally, to draw on the expertise of congressional staff.

Candidates often ask staff members and volunteers to sign confidentiality agreements, limiting what they can say about the internal dynamics of campaigns. Some experts may, however, be considered as substitutes for publicly criticizing rival candidates at key moments, such as primary debates.

In 2016, as part of the vast Clinton campaign, many volunteers wondered if their work would ever reach the candidate's potential. This time, it is possible that a person's advice will affect more than one candidate.

"I think that with time, problems will arise where there will be differences and that it will start to become interesting," said a former Obama foreign policy aide.

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