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Yoani Sánchez
Havana, Cuba
It was the 1980s and, from Cuba, Nicaragua seemed to hope that the leftist revolutions would take power across the continental geography. The fall of the dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza inscribed in the puzzle of my childhood, where the walls of the Kremlin, the beard of Fidel Castro and the volcanoes of the country of Central America shared the same. space.
A colleague of my grade three clbad preached that his father was in Managua as a military advisor. These trips, in addition to guaranteeing the import of exotic gifts amid the boring distribution of the rationed market, increased social prestige because they immediately went to the category of "proletarian internationalist". "
years later, when this haze of slogans and chimeras cleaned up, I realized that this official euphemism hid a much more repudiated reality: military intervention in another nation. The failures of geopolitics had turned Nicaragua into a board of directors where Moscow pbaded tokens through Cubans and the United States did the same with the "Contra".
With this physical presence and descent as the Plaza de la Revolution supported on Sandinista commanders, the main offensive developed in the media and in any cultural event served to convey the idea that the sickle with his relentless hammer was destroying the old Latin American regimes.
Thus documentaries, posters, hymns and poetic riffs of compulsory consultation were born in Cuban schools and, above all, created a mold from which it was impossible to leave. Being a Sandinist and supporting Daniel Ortega, the leader of this revolution to which more space was accorded in the official speech of the island, was a catechism necessary to be "ordained" as revolutionary and communist apart whole.
Castro supported the Sandinistas with strategists and weapons, as he did with so many other guerrilla movements in the region. Testimonies and documents that have been revealed confirm that the Cuban leader has maintained fluid communication during the insurgency with the Palo Alto headquarters in Costa Rica, because he has always loved to play the war off , bullets wounding other bodies
After coming to power, Sandinista commanders went to Havana and the leader spoke to them during a marathon of more than 70 hours, during which at least two tips have been uncovered. He recommended that they organize elections as soon as possible and do not introduce compulsory military service. The stubborn comrades paid no attention, perhaps because they realized that the "senior adviser" had not applied any of these premises and, nevertheless, continued to control the locals. ;island.
After this alliance, the Cuban children had other commanders to those who worship, another revolution to shout alive and a geography to explore on the maps, thinking of the day we would land there with boots, a compbad and a rifle to kill or die in the name of utopia. The island was narrow, then we could project a continental Cuba, make the jump from our caiman to this tight size that promised us to continue to move towards the pleasure of the two Americas.
As this moment of physical sacrifice came, we applauded. We sang praises to Ortega and his companions even when the confiscations they promoted showed more voracity than justice, when nationalization ruined the country or when they did not shake hands to point the rifles against the people. Ideological friendship then implied this kind of selective myopia.
The Cuban official media also continued to portray them as young rebels even in times of absolute international discredit, such as that provoked by the scandalous Sandinista "piñata" in which goods were distributed and covered. The pockets Although some of the Sandinista commanders left the insatiable Ortega, for Cuban propaganda they continued to be "Nicaraguan guerrillas", a tight group, a closed block.
The official Granma newspaper never devoted a critical sentence to them and Silvio Rodríguez continued to sing that of "another hot iron" that had been smashed in Nicaragua. A theme that has served to spread, pbadion, a lie. The Sandinista revolution, like the Cuban revolution, has moved from its emergence to an insatiable source of rights for its supporters, even over the law, it has been protected from criticism, and it has forgotten this fundamental impetus for change. Made it possible. He aged badly and quickly.
After nearly 40 years, this young man who first conquered the power by arms now tries to keep it through them, in the midst of the popular protests that erupted in the streets of Nicaragua last April. Ortega ordered to kill and will continue to do so to preserve the presidential presidency. Missing from the revolutionary mysticism that once surrounded him, he has nothing left but repression or claudication.
To aggravate his international loneliness, the former ally and mentor has been dead for nearly two years and Havana does not have these voluminous grants before that it allowed him to deploy troops in others country. But the official media are a redoubt of support for the Ortega and sometimes, in an old radio, we hear about the "rope with baits" that was divided in Nicaragua.
Today, most Cubans, guilty of some of this mirage turns into satrapy, is silent, turns away or dreams of reaching other geographies, now not to extend utopia but to escape him.
* The text of Yoani Sánchez was originally published on the site 14ymedio
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