Snubs, Bumps and Donald Trump in Britain

It may not be popular in Britain, but it still has incredible appeal. For a country that has time for Nigel Farage, pro-Brexit enthusiast and hypocrite full-time (he is a member of the European Parliament, the same institution he hates), President Donald Trump will gather many supporters.

One of them was not the mayor of London, Sadiq Khan, convinced that the US president should never have received a state visit. "It is clear that Theresa May was premature to make this invitation, and she turned against her." But Trump's tendency to destabilize his critics is not so much balanced but decreasing: Khan's rude remarks, the day before his arrival, were timed to create a Twitter account scene.

Trump, he writes maliciously The Guardian, led a push from the right "threatening our hard-won rights and freedoms and the values ​​that have defined our liberal and democratic societies for more than seventy years". The United Kingdom had to stop "appeasing" (this badogy with Munich) dictatorial tendencies. (Oblivious, is Khan, at the illustrious British record by organizing receptions and banquets for bloodthirsty and authoritarian.)

This semi-literate historical overview has had the desired result. Just before landing in London, Trump tweeted that Khan "Who, in all respects, did a terrible job as mayor of London, was stupidly" hastening "towards the visiting US president, by far the UK's most important ally." For good measure, Trump insisted that The Mayor was "a loser who should focus on crime in London, not me …"

The atmosphere was there and the presence of the president on the British political scene more and more wild reminded The New York Times of the meeting room takes from L & # 39; s apprentice (reality TV, again) although it was uncomfortably close to a "back of the year" badessment or a wet fugglies t-shirt contest. This was facilitated by the absence of a face-to-face meeting between Trump and Theresa May, who was soon to leave, and the absence of a preliminary meeting at Downing Street.

Trump felt at home, evaluating the candidates to succeed May as British Prime Minister. While he could gather words of choice to describe Boris Johnson and Jeremy Hunt, Michael Gove barely recorded it. "Would you do a good job, Jeremy? Tell me."

Some candidates did their best to impress, a show that has at times brought the grotesque closer.

The Conservative party is panicked: Farxit's party of farxit is so threatening that it pushes the old guard into acts of utter despair. It is fascinating, even disturbing, for political observers such as Tim Bale of Queen Mary, University of London. "A lot of the constraints have been imposed by British politics. That they withdraw permanently, or because the Conservative Party is in panic, only time allows it.

Foreign Secretary Hunt was particularly eager to show his wet shirt to Trump. He undoubtedly felt obliged to do so, knowing that Johnson had already been hailed as a person who "would do a very good job" as British Prime Minister. To give Trump his recognition, Hunt rejected the views of the Mayor of London. "I agree with [Trump] that it is totally inappropriate for the Labor Party to boycott this extremely important visit. This is the president of the United States. "

The situation with Johnson can only give some fun. Trump, quite memorable, had subscribed to the theory that parts of London had become a dystopian nightmare full of psychotic residents and murderers of black persuasion. Johnson, despite all his faults, was happy to give Trump a nice slice of halfpipe on his city when he was mayor. He also claimed that Trump was "clearly crazy" by making the now infamous suggestion of December 7, 2015 for a "total and complete blockage of Muslims entering the United States". But politics is a strange stew, joining a strange mix of ingredients. For his part, Johnson declined the invitation to see Trump in person, preferring the comforting distance of a 20-minute phone call.

Those who deliberately boycotted any event badociated with Trump were far from the end of the year. Prince William and Prince Harry preferred to avoid a photo opportunity with the President at Buckingham Palace. Jeremy Corbyn, of the Labor Party, preferred to join the protests against Trump rather than attend the state banquet. The law will no doubt be seen as admirable in some circles, but it is hardly qualified as that of a future prime minister. "Corbyn", noted L & # 39; Independent"Again dodged the majestic ball and instead chose the easy way out." He went to the echo chamber.

Beyond the visit, more important questions will be of concern to the diplomats of the British Foreign Office. At Tuesday's press conference, one of the vaunted elements was the prospect of a trade deal between a Britain liberated from the EU and the United States. Trump even went so far as to put pressure on May so that she stays longer for the negotiations. This is not the case for the information sessions, he dared to make a suggestion: "I do not know exactly what is your timing, but stay in the area, make the agreement".

The problem is prematurely fascinating: Great Britain, having not yet left the EU, and even less clearly, faces an orbit of total confusion for a while. In terms of figures, the problem is also striking: the United Kingdom must thank the EU for half of its trade; the United States stands at 14.7%.

The unsettling feature of any free trade proposal emanating from the Trump administration will be its rapacity, or, as Trump likes to call it, its "phenomenal" reach. Nothing will be exempted. Agriculture and health are two areas of contention. Access to US exports will result in easing restrictions on animal feed using antibiotics and genetically modified crops. No more headaches and bumps await the relationship between Britannia in trouble and Uncle Sam.

Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College in Cambridge. He teaches at RMIT University in Melbourne. E-mail: [email protected]