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Shortly before Tuesday, three o'clock, on the second day of former President Jacob Zuma's testimony before the judicial investigation commission on state capture, Deputy Chief Justice Raymond Zondo intervened.
Zuma – and his legal team – had begun to effectively prevent the process of demanding substantive and meaningful responses from the former head of state. Since concluding his political victim statement on Monday (which lasted nearly three hours), his answers to thorny questions were a variation of the theme "I do not know … I do not remember … I do not remember ".
His lawyers – Daniel Mantsha and Thabani Masuku – had also begun to intensify their protests.
Paul Pretorius, the leader of the evidence, a man endowed with vast reservoirs of patience and a bedside attitude that would have seduced the perpetually besieged zuma, was beginning to become slightly irritated. He attempted to pinpoint something of the ANC's recalcitrant former leader on the redeployment and eventual resignation of Themba Maseko as Head of Government Communication (GCIS).
Maseko told the commission that he had resisted Ajay Gupta's advances to force him to spend "all government advertising spending of R600 million" on the New Age family newspaper – a company whose Zuma confirmed the creation. He also explained to the commission that Collins Chabane, then minister of the presidency, told him later that Zuma had ordered him to transfer Maseko elsewhere in the government or to dismiss him.
Gupta, said Maseko, threatened to talk to "elders" of Maseko, who would take care of him, because he was uncooperative.
Pretorius wanted to examine the issue in a non-threatening way, for fear of angering Zuma's hawk jury team. But Zuma, deftly deploying his brand of scraping of the throat (a tick that becomes increasingly pronounced over the question is difficult, in Parliament or elsewhere), played with a direct bat.
Nothing to report, advise!
"Mr. Zuma," Zondo began. "When it's all over, I have to draw some conclusions from the evidence I've heard, and it's important that I have perspectives and precisions. Mr. Maseko stated that he was CEO of GCIS. He was very well acquitted of his task. Nobody, regarding his elders, had complained about him or his work.
"He added that Minister Chabane had actually declared himself to be a very good official. He never asked to be removed from his duties as CEO of GCIS (government communications) nor to be transferred … the only reason, to his knowledge, was what he had been told. by Chabane that you called and stated that "Maseko was to be redeployed or his services terminated".
"The minister said when you return to South Africa (after a state visit to China)" Maseko should no longer be there. "
"He thinks he was sent back to GCIS because he did not cooperate with the Guptas. I want to give you a complete picture, give you the opportunity to respond or add comments to your previous comments?
At that point, after more than four hours at the witness table, a prolonged legal conflict between the two legal teams, and Pretorius' (and Zondo's) repeated efforts to cajole, persuade and persuade Zuma, he knew exactly what the commission wanted.
And he answered, his face impbadive, leaning towards the microphone: "No, nothing to add … absolutely nothing."
He then quickly explained that it was the ministers who were dealing with the executive directors (like Maseko), not the president.
But, insisted Zondo, can you remember the circumstances?
"That's what happens: if they have any vision of their accountants, they (the ministers) plead and consult the president, it never started with the president."
But, according to Maseko, "you told him that when you returned to South Africa, Maseko was to be gone, and even Richard Baloyi, then Minister of Public Service and Administration, was not aware of what was happening, "continued Zondo.
"No, nothing, it does not really work that way, we can not think that the Minister of Public Service and Administration does not know. Ministers discuss among themselves, when they agree, what they did, "Zuma said.
Zondo, in a non-threatening way, changed tactics and asked Zuma if Baloyi was irritated by Maseko's sudden move to his department and the fact that he was eventually resigning.
Zuma: "No, I have nothing to add, really … nothing to add …"
When Zuma delivered his oratory Monday without interruption and commanding a story about rogues and spies, plots and conspiracies, enemies and allies, he controlled the situation perfectly.
But when it was handed over to Pretorius, even the most innocuous question was put forward by Mantsha and his colleagues, Zuma feigning knowledge and insight.
Zuma's opening statement was perhaps dramatic and colorful, but just like her clash with Pretorius and Zondo on Tuesday, she was devoid of detail and content. The former military court president became president had to be protected by his lawyers after the testimony of Maseko and the former ANC deputy, Vytjie Mentor.
Imagine what will happen if Pretorius rakes the coals that are the affidavits of Pravin Gordhan and Nhlanhla Nene – Mantsha and Masuku could explode.
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