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For the most moderately superstitious souls, it was a troubling moment: the newly sworn president of the Democratic Republic of Congo delivered his inaugural address while he was unable to continue.
"I'm not good," said Felix Tshisekedi.
The helpers moved to help and he was finally able to resume. An adviser later reported that the new president's armor-proof jacket was too tight and that he had fainted.
President Tshisekedi stood alongside his predecessor, Joseph Kabila, many of whom fear that he will continue to exercise powerful control over the government – a suffocating influence, they suggested, following allegations, who have been denied, a secret agreement between the two.
The world has examined the DR Congo, suspected of being a big electoral candidate, but decided to look away.
The African Union (AU), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the European Union and the United States do not want to confront each other.
President Tshisekedi (R) was accused of having an agreement with his predecessor, Joseph Kabila (L): Image Copyright: AFP
The AU hastily convened and just as hastily abandoned a mission in the DRC capital, Kinshasa, to promote a negotiated solution to the electoral fraud dispute.
Requests to delay the announcement of official results have been ignored.
American contradiction
The AU had nothing left to negotiate. For a regional organization advocating "African solutions to African problems", it was a humiliation.
The US ambbadador to Kinshasa, Mike Hammer, praised the "first democratic and peaceful transfer of power", thus managing to overcome the state department's concerns over the electoral process.
It was not easy to answer the dilemma posed by the vote. From the beginning, it was clear that there would be no big demonstrations against the government, no big show of public anger to put pressure on the international community for it to move to the ## 147 ## 39; action.
This was due in part to the fractured nature of the political opposition, the fear of security forces and the decision of the Catholic Church and civil society to refrain from it. moment to mobilize a mobilization on a large scale.
Western powers have opted to promote stability in DR Congo. Copyright of the image: AFP
In view of all this, regional and international actors have opted for what diplomats call "stability". In DR Congo, this means a continuation of the existing confusion while hoping that everything will not collapse in disaster.
For millions of Congolese – displaced from their homes by the conflict, living in extreme poverty and under the threat of disease, deprived of their share of the immense mineral wealth of their country, intimidated and exploited by armed groups – do not expect an improvement in their rights. difficult situation anytime soon.
In all of this, one should also consider what I would call the policy of concern.
This is not only in relation with the DR Congo, but also with Zimbabwe, which has cracked down on dissent and Sudan in the midst of a popular uprising against the regime of President Omar al-Bashir.
The crackdown has intensified in recent weeks. Soldiers in Zimbabwe are terrorizing their fellow citizens and counterparts in Sudan, shooting live ammunition with live ammunition. Yet the international response has been silenced, to put it mildly.
Image captionYoung people have been at the forefront of protests in Sudan. Copyright of the image: AFP
British Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt has called on Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa not to "go back".
This statement was based on the badumption that the clock had advanced in Zimbabwe since Robert Mugabe's ousting in late 2017, a dubious proposition all the while.
Rather than condemning brutality in Zimbabwe, South Africa, the most powerful country in the region, called for the lifting of economic sanctions.
South African President Cyril Ramaphosa has his own concerns.
This is the fight against corruption and its political base in the ruling African National Congress (ANC), where the allies of his predecessor, Jacob Zuma, are still hiding.
Winning a nice majority in the next election will strengthen Mr Ramaphosa's hand. Do not expect a categorical departure from foreign policy until it feels safer.
The other major continental power, Nigeria, is facing elections in two weeks in which President Muhammadu Buhari is running for a second term.
Mr. Buhari has just caused a public outcry by dismissing his chief justice, who could have played a crucial role in the outcome of a controversial ballot.
The United States, the European Union and the United Kingdom have all expressed dissatisfaction. But after the example of the DR Congo, is there any interest in something more than words if elections were to go wrong?
"Ethical intervention"
In Britain, foreign policy is consumed by the Brexit debate. In the rest of the EU, Brexit and many national crises have resulted in a reversal.
African political problems are not a priority.
How far away now from the era of the "ethical foreign policy" of former British Prime Minister Tony Blair and the sight of British troops patrolling Sierra Leone. The disastrous consequences of the war in Iraq put an end to this brief period of ambitious interventionism.
The French still maintain strong military and economic ties in several African countries. But their limited, and purely rhetorical, response to the outcome of the DRC elections indicates the priority given to national issues such as ongoing protests "yellow vests".
In America, the White House and lawmakers are dealing with the Mueller inquiry, the continuing saga on the wall of borders and the elections of 2020.
A month ago, US National Security Adviser John Bolton presented an African policy aimed at counteracting the expansion of China's and, to a lesser extent, Russia's influence. .
But with the cuts made to the State Department under the Trump administration, it is difficult to see how a more vigorous policy for Africa, regardless of its ideological or political orientation, can be implemented.
With Sudan, Americans have other reasons to accept criticism: the Bashir regime has been helpful in the fight against violent Islamist extremism.
Western powers expressed "deep concern", while the AU reminded "Sudanese political leaders of their collective responsibility to seek peaceful and constructive solutions to the country's pressing challenges". The words were lost in screaming and bullets in the streets.
Victims say they were beaten and shot by Zimbabwe security forces
But constantly watching what the rest of the continent or the international community does or does not reflect the deeper dynamics of change on the continent.
It can never be said enough: Africa is not a social, political, economic or cultural entity. As the popular saying goes, Africa is not a country.
DR Congo, Sudan and Zimbabwe are each shaped by different stories, although they share a common legacy of colonial domination.
But these days, there is another crucial common point. This is what you could see as the badet of the current turmoil.
Arc of Intolerance
In each country, a highly organized, youth-oriented and tech-savvy civil society has learned that change does not always have to be sponsored by politicians or foreign governments.
History has taught them that politicians can promise change and deliver only the same or the worst.
Young activists from Bulawayo, Goma and Omdurman do not depend on foreigners.
Young Ugandan activists have contributed to the rise of the musician turned MP Bobi Wine. Copyright of the image: AFP
The postcolonial era has seen too many foreign interventions cynical and selfish, inadequate, fleeting or badly thought out. The recognition of this has helped to create a vigorous spirit of self-determination among the protesters of today.
It is these people who patiently record the terror inflicted by Zimbabwean security forces, who circulate leaflets through Khartoum to stage demonstrations and whose activism has forced President Kabila to hold elections, despite his flaws.
Nothing has been more important in African politics in the last two decades than the rise of this militant generation. This is why we must avoid the advice of despair when considering the crises that have occurred in recent weeks.
Part of the continent suffers either from regressive authoritarianism, erroneous elections, rooted corruption or combinations of each. One could call it an arc of intolerance.
In Cameroon, the opposition leader was arrested following highly compromised elections.
Ugandan authorities are accused of persecuting the charismatic politician Bobi Wine, while in Tanzania, President John Magufuli is gradually making the life of the democratic opposition disappear.
East v West
These are just a few examples that have provoked a moderate response from most members of the international community.
I say the most because the Chinese and the Russians have always distinguished themselves by the language of condemnation.
At the summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation last year, African leaders were smiling. Copyright of the image: AFP
Nowadays, it is common to say that the West is withdrawing because of its own concerns, China and Russia will rush into it. Beijing and Moscow each have their own agenda to follow without even claiming to be serving the ideals of human rights and responsible government.
The Gulf powers are also competing for influence. But it may be condescending to badume that people across the continent can not recognize and mobilize to counter a new type of exploitation when it appears.
The ruling party in Zimbabwe is in particular need of international economic aid to counter the catastrophe created by its own incompetence and brutal tactics.
This help will not be available until the climate of fear reigns. Nor do the Chinese and the Russians have deep pockets or the inclination to finance an inherently unstable system.
But here I focus on a more powerful long-term change agent. I'm stressing long term.
Do we imagine that the people who fought to organize elections in DR Congo will now relax and allow despotism as usual? None of those I have met – from Goma east to Kinshasa to the west – thinks they will be rescued by strangers.
The Congolese demonstrator who gave his life for the cause
Similarly in Sudan and Zimbabwe, lively debates are taking place around the economy, education and women's rights.
Activist movements are crucibles of thought and street protest. The activism we see is not motivated by ideological fanaticism or sectarianism.
It is characterized above all by reason. This is not an easy task in a world where ideologues have suffered so much in recent decades.
Activism alone can not solve the legacy of decades of mismanagement and corruption. But what he has created is a growing sense of democracy, larger and more inclusive than an election ballot that can be stuffed with false votes or stolen by a ruling elite.
The militant group for democracy in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Lucha, who was the target of Kabila's violent repression, recently expressed the tireless hope of his activism in a tweet.
"In this tumultuous time, our people must redouble their efforts and vigilance, we must be even more demanding to make politicians accountable to us." Regardless of our political affiliation or our ethnic identity, we must place the nation above above all. "
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