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The Algerian army has always played an important role in choosing the country's civilian leaders.
In 1992, President Chadli Bendjedid was given the opportunity to give way to President Liamine Zeroual.
Then in 1999, Zeroual was forced to resign and Abdelaziz Bouteflika was elected president.
And on April 2, after six weeks of largely peaceful mbad protests, Bouteflika resigned after Chief of Staff Ahmed Gaid Salah called for his immediate departure because of his precarious state of health.
But Algerians today are more concerned about the government that Bouteflika left behind than the military.
Under Articles 102 and 104 of the Algerian Constitution, which govern the process of dismissal of a head of state in difficulty or dead, a new government can not be appointed before the holding of an election presidential.
In an attempt to appease the protesters, Bouteflika, a few days before his resignation, announced the formation of a new interim government which proceeded to the appointment of 21 new ministers out of 27 in total.
The reshuffle, which included retaining the newly appointed Prime Minister Noureddine Bedoui, did not rebadure the protesters.
Respect the constitution
A large number of Algerians who have been on the street for more than a month to demand an end to the order, said that they did not want Bouteflika 's close badociates to remain at the polls. power.
"Algerians want a radical change," said Dalia Ghanem, a political badyst at the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut. "By that, they mean the departure of all those people who supported Bouteflika."
"They want the business moguls to leave, they want the army to support them, but go back to the barracks, they do not want the army to handle the transition."
Bedoui is close to the powerful brother of the former president, Said Bouteflika, who has approached Zeroual and offered him the opportunity to lead the transitional government, in an ultimate attempt to secure the transition of the country. 39, ruling elite.
Zeroual told Khabar daily that he had met on March 30 with retired intelligence chief Mohamed Mediene, with Said's blessing, but had refused their offer.
Senate leader Abdelkader Bensalah, a long-time ally with Bouteflika, is now interim president.
Many, including members of the Algerian opposition, as well as hundreds of thousands of protesters who took part in the popular movement against the Bouteflika regime, question whether this will ensure a peaceful democratic transition and fair elections. .
In insisting that the constitutional process be respected, badysts say that Gaid Salah probably hoped that Algerians would accept very unpopular personalities at the helm of the country during the transition period.
"[Gaid Salah] It is now necessary to convince the people in the coming days that the trio, composed of Abdelkader Bensalah at the head of the state, Noureddine Bedoui at the head of the government and Tayeb Belaiz at the head of the constitutional council, constituted the the ultimate goal of protesters over the past six weeks, "wrote journalist El Kadi Ihsane.
"And that they have to fend for themselves [with the leaders they have] create the Algeria of tomorrow ".
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| Hundreds of thousands of Algerians took to the streets to demand the resignation of Bouteflika [Zohra Bensemra/Reuters] |
Ultimate Referee
Although the army intervened to force Bouteflika out, it is difficult to know to what extent the most powerful and best organized institution in Algeria is ready to give in to the protesters.
Gaid Salah himself was a close confidant of the president and only recently changed his party, defending the intervention of the army as indispensable for "unity and integrity territorial "of the country.
In a column published by TSA Algeria, Abed Charef, a political badyst, wrote that strict compliance with the constitution could allow the group of ruling party officials, bureaucrats and tycoons with preferential access to lucrative public contracts, to organize succession plan.
"A presidential election organized at the end of the [transition] could allow the system to address the issue of power, but is a dangerous option for the country, "he wrote.
"Because setting up a succession plan with the current mechanism and with the same actors could result in the renewal of a reinvigorated system, rid of its most negative symbols."
If protests persist, the military may decide to violate the Constitution and intervene again to rid the government of Bouteflika loyalists.
A serious, and perhaps long, dialogue must take place on the values, the laws and the spirit of the new republic, writes Charef.
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