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The newspapers are teeming with suggestions about what US President Joe Biden should do in the face of his country’s seemingly enduring involvement in Afghanistan. None are particularly useful, in that they ignore the central premise that a long mutilated, molested and brutalized nation-state should ultimately be left alone. This is absurd, say the media and politicians. The Guardian says he is “trapped and has no good choices.” The the Wall Street newspaper believes he is “put to the test in Afghanistan” with his opposition to “wars forever”. The Washington post more aptly suggests that Biden take the loss and “add it to George W. Bush’s record.”
The Afghan imbroglio for American planners poses the usual problems. The Liberals and Conservatives find themselves fighting over similar issues, without wanting to leave the field altogether. The imperium requires the same song sheet from the choristers, whether they deliver it from the right side of the choir or from the left side. The imperial feeling is that the tribes of a country most can barely name should somehow be kept in a safe orbit. Failure to do so would endanger the allies, the United States, and encourage a storm of danger that could move cyclically to other pockets of the globe.
The many annoying commentators never come to mind that the invasion of countries like Afghanistan initially (throwing Iraq into the mix) was in itself a heartbreaking issue that deserved criminal prosecution, encouraged counterinsurgencies, aspiring theocrats and, for lack of a better term, terrorist opportunists.
The long-term argument advanced by the authors of the limpet has been consistent despite the disasters. Speed up the chaos scenario. Treat it like a rebarbative. An example is to filter, drain and draw inspiration from reports such as the one provided by the World Bank. “The conflict is ongoing, and 2019 was the sixth year in a row that the number of civilian casualties in Afghanistan has exceeded 10,000. The displacement crisis persists, driven by the intensification of government and Taliban operations in the context of the political negotiations. “The report in question goes on to note the increase in the number of internally displaced persons (from 369,700 in 2018 to 462,803 in 2019) with” 505,000 [additional] the refugees returned to Afghanistan, mainly from Iran, in 2019. ”
Upcoming remarks such as those of David von Drehle in the Washington post. His commentary accords well with the Austrian observations on Bosnia and Herzegovina during the latter part of the 19th.e century. “Almost 20 years after the start of US efforts to modernize and liberalize this notoriously difficult land, Taliban forces are once again in control of the countryside and appear to be on the verge of launching a final spring offensive against parts of Afghan cities that remain under government control. The savages, in short, refuse to follow suit.
Von Drehle, to his credit, at least suggests that the United States take his leave, admitting that Washington is unreservedly ignoring the country. He quotes the words of retired General L. Douglas Lute: “We lacked a basic understanding of Afghanistan.” Tellingly, the general admitted that “we didn’t know what we were doing.”
Fears exist as to how the May 2021 deadline for the withdrawal of all U.S. military forces is shaping. Anthony H. Cordesman teases his Imperial Masters in Washington a lot about what is best. “Dismissing the Afghan government will likely mean some form of victory for the Taliban.” It’s hardly shocking, but Cordesman sets the stage for the hawks. This will create increased risks in terms of extremism and terrorism, but it is far from clear that these risks will not be greater than the risks of supporting a failing Afghan government indefinitely and not using the same resources in d other countries to support more effective partners. It’s the usual golden trash that justifies an American taxpayer’s gold. But will it continue to stick?
Some clues can be gathered on future directions, although they remain floating suggestions rather than positions of merit. The Biden administration’s interim national security strategic direction evokes and speaks forcefully of democracy (how refreshing it would be for him to refer to republicanism) which, in a national security document, always suggests a overextension and overbreadth. “They are the ones who argue that, given all the challenges we face, autocracy is the best way forward.” But he also inserts Trumpian jargon. “The United States should not and will not engage in ‘eternal wars’ that have cost thousands of lives and billions of dollars.”
Afghanistan deserves a special mention, and once again, the language of the Trump administration is dragged along to be repeated. “We will work to responsibly end America’s longest war in Afghanistan while ensuring that Afghanistan does not once again become a safe haven for terrorists.” Not much else by the way, and certainly no express mention of nettle seizure and stump loss. And there is this disturbing use of the word “responsible”.
The default position remains the use of force, to which the United States “will never hesitate” to “resort” when necessary to defend our vital national interests. We will ensure that our armed forces are equipped to deter our adversaries, defend our people, our interests and our allies, and overcome the threats that emerge. Again, the stretch is broad and imprecise.
Given this position, the withdrawal of the remaining 2,500 American troops in the country will inevitably become a matter of delay, prevarication and dismay. Quiet American imperialism, at least a dusted version of it, will stubbornly continue in its sheer and embarrassing futility. The Imperial imprint will simply be remelted, if it comes in a smaller form.
Dr Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Fellow at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He teaches at RMIT University in Melbourne. E-mail: [email protected]
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