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But at the end of a dramatic week, which has seen three long nights of confused and chaotic votes in the House of Commons, things are starting to be a little different.
Among legislators, only two recent events have won the majority: opposing a Brexit without a transaction and delaying Brexit, both of which clearly sound like a non-Brexity. And neither is entirely under the control of the United Kingdom.
But as we get closer to the big day when the UK has to leave (March 29), the Commons gives us a better idea of what they do not want. He does not want the agreement of May, a non-agreement or the total abandonment of Brexit. He does not even want a second referendum, despite the noise that pushed some members of the political clbad to put the vote back to the people.
An amendment to hold a second vote that would have "stay in the EU" on the ballot was crushed on Thursday by 334 votes 85. The Labor Party's decision to abstain, although it's not going to happen. only a few weeks ago, confirms its support for a second public vote, was behind the low turnout.
Although the result does not make a second referendum impossible, it raises serious questions about whether there will ever be political will. And for all that, the EU is not enthusiastic about this idea.
MEPs also decided Thursday not to want to take the time to seek multi-party support for alternative plans and vote for a third vote on the May deal. Amendments giving more control to the deputies on Brexit and the repeal of the May agreement were respectively defeated.
It seems that Brexit will have to be delayed.
But for what purpose? May lack the time to make significant changes to the political declaration accompanying his agreement. And given members' objections to its agreement so far, it's hard to know what could be added to reverse such a huge loss.
Any new agreement would require from the EU a willingness to negotiate again, which is far from certain. Why? Because he would face exactly the same problems as those of May: there is no majority in the UK and the EU no longer loses time and political capital in politics. ;failure.
Things have changed a bit in Brussels as well. While in the past, the extension of Article 50, the postponement of Brexit and even the possibility for the UK to reverse its decision were firmly at stake, it is fair to say that affection for the British is increasingly rare these days.
The attitude towards the United Kingdom varies from one country to another, but it is generally agreed that the longest extension that the EU would willing to consider, if the agreement may be pbaded, is about 6 to 8 weeks.
Obviously, if May's agreement failed completely next week and new options were to be explored, it will take much longer than 6-8 weeks to resolve this problem. And, although some in Brussels do not see the idea of an extension of a year or more, remember that it is enough for one Member State to veto an extension. So, to throw things in the air and start over from scratch involves quite significant risks.
May will travel to Brussels on March 21 and will request that the deadline set in Article 50 be extended. In the coming days we will see if there will be a request for a short extension allowing the implementation of the May agreement or for an indefinite period, the United Kingdom having been forced to return to square one. And of course, in all of this, the flaw of a no deal hangs over everyone's head. Never, in this process, has the destiny of the United Kingdom seemed to be at the mercy of Brussels.
The temptation to say that nothing changes is usually a reference to the fact that Brexit rarely seems to progress. It is clear that Brexit has taken a noticeable step back this week.
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