Extradition of Hong Kong: radical youth forced the hand of the government

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AFP

In just one week, Hong Kong has witnessed two of its biggest demonstrations, as well as its most violent protests in decades. At the forefront of these events are young people, many of whom are just emerging from adolescence. How did they become radicalized – and how did they manage to force the government's hand?

"We shouted at people to run."

"My parents kicked me out after the protests."

"It was the first time I felt under the tears, tears came out of my eyes uncontrollably."

"I'm afraid to give my real name."

These are not words anyone could have expected from the Hong Kong – and certainly not from those aged 17 to 21.

Until recently, the stereotype of a "typical" Hong Kong teenager would have been more interested in studies or profitability than by political activism or creative thinking.

But last week, young people wearing masks, barricading and throwing gas cans at the police took control of the Hong Kong legislature.

Many were too young to have taken part in the latest Hong Kong event to gather media around the world – the 2014 protests, in which tens of thousands of people were sleeping on the streets. for weeks to demand democratic elections.

Fear of the Chinese future

The 2014 protests – also called Occupy Central protests – ended without any concessions from the government.

This time it was different.

The latest protests against a controversial bill allowing Hong Kong 's extradition to mainland China have, in a striking way, forced the government to apologize and suspend its plans, thus putting them on the table. gap, according to many badysts.

So what's the difference this time? And what role has this generation of young activists been exposed to tear gas, rubber bullets and even arrests (not to mention their future employment prospects)?

The youth of Hong Kong has experienced a political awakening over the last two decades: the proportion of registered voters aged 18 to 35 has increased from 58% in 2000 to 70% in 2016.

And this is not surprising considering that Hong Kong's political future is an increasingly urgent problem.

The territory currently enjoys special rights and freedoms because of a handover agreement between the British, who colonized Hong Kong, and the Chinese government.

But in 2047, the accord devolving Hong Kong's special status expires – and no one really knows what will happen next.

For young people today, 2047 feels surprisingly close – and their protest is motivated by this uncertainty, as well as by the feeling that the Chinese government is closing anyway.

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They are no longer certain that the system will protect them, they modify their protest techniques and learn the art of sophisticated dissent.

All the protesters that I interviewed and who had taken part in Wednesday's unauthorized protests asked to protect their identity, fearing to be arrested.

"We kept the face mask at all times during the protest, and then we tried to remove our recordings on our iPhones and Google Maps," says Dan, an 18-year-old student who helped the protesters build a barricade with fences. .

Some have started buying paper train tickets rather than using their prepaid travel cards, which could make it difficult for the authorities to track them down.

Meanwhile, many have become cautious about what they say about public social media – and only want to communicate with secure applications with self-destruct features, such as Telegram.

"During the Occupy protests, most of us had not thought of protecting ourselves – we had used Facebook, Instagram and Whatsapp to spread the word, but this year we see the freedom of movement. expression is deteriorating in Hong Kong, "says Jackie, a 20-year-old student leader.

A broken relationship

Several people – including students and teachers from Hong Kong's most prestigious institutions – were arrested, some of them from a hospital where they were injured.

A 22-year-old man, identified as being the administrator of a group of telegrams sharing information about the demonstrations, was also arrested for "public nuisance".

Jackie fears that, among all this, student leaders involved in Wednesday's protests will be targeted because of their greater visibility.

"I slept at my student union's office because I was afraid to be arrested if I went home," she says.

This is typical of a more broken relationship with law and order officials, and compared to previous protests, these activists have diminished their confidence in the police.

On Thursday, rumors circulated that the police intended to search the students' rooms in a dormitory at the University of Hong Kong, where two residents had been arrested the day before.

In the midst of panic, the students quickly called in lawmakers and local lawyers, who surrounded the building – even though eventually no policeman entered the room.

Dan said that police actions during the Occupy protests – where several police officers were jailed for beating a protester – also undermined his confidence.

"Before that, I thought the police were supposed to be law-abiding and help the citizens … now, I realize that some police officers can let their personal emotions override them."

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These students and young workers seem more inclined to defy the laws of public badembly and risk being arrested for a cause than previous generations of protesters.

They argue that they have more to fight because they have reached their majority in a more precarious political environment.

Tom, 20, helped manage supplies at Wednesday's protest, and says he's an activist because of "the time in which I grew up".

His generation grew up and witnessed political conflicts, such as plans in 2012 to have children take the Chinese "patriotism" course, according to critics, who would like to "wash the brains" of students and hide the rights violations. of man committed by the Chinese government.

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"I've seen the government's policies and measures aimed at removing the freedoms we grew up with – and this makes me feel strongly that I do not want Hong Kong to lose its basic principles of law and its freedoms."

Other young people have complained about the government's policy, including the recent adoption of a law punishing those who do not respect the Chinese national anthem, the disqualification of lawmakers in favor of democracy and independence and the imprisonment of a separatist activist.

The Occupy protests have left a clear – albeit complicated – legacy to the protesters of today.

Many of Wednesday's protesters were too young to take part in the 2014 protests – but consider them both an inspiration and a lesson learned.

Ben, 20, says his parents did not let him join the protests.

But now, as a student at the university, he plays a leading role in organizing demonstrations and legal support for students at risk of being arrested.

He describes the 2014 protests as a "failure" – the protesters being divided on their goals, including what sort of "universal suffrage" would be acceptable.

But this time, there is a crucial difference – because the protesters are not asking for more democracy, but are fighting for the preservation of Hong Kong's current rights.

There is greater motivation to stay united, because the protesters "are fighting so that we do not lose our existing freedoms," he said.

The "Occupy" events encouraged more young people to get involved in student politics and gave them the confidence to claim the street.

Jackie, who participated in the management of a first aid station last Wednesday, describes them as his "political awakening."

"Previously, I was not involved in politics, but the movement made me aware of its importance."

They have also taught young people today to prepare for clashes with the police.

On a university campus, students stored dozens of bags and cartons of medical supplies, such as inhalers for those affected by tear gas and saline water to eliminate the pepper spray.

The students stated that many articles were also donated by members of the public.

This meant that they were making a much more effective crowd on Wednesday when the situation became violent.

What do their parents think of all this? It varies.

Ingrid, 21, joins the Wednesday protests after finishing her job, helping to bring first aid supplies to the front.

She says her parents, who supported the police, evicted her from home after her return home – although they let her back a few days later.

Meanwhile, Jackie "did not dare" to talk to her parents and grandparents about her role in organizing the protests, but when they saw her on the news, they Have supported and asked him to stay safe.

Of course, it would also be a mistake to treat these events as a simple youth movement.

Leader Carrie Lam has also come under pressure from many quarters, including business groups, her church and her alma mater.

St Francis Canossian College was among the hundreds of groups to have petitioned against the bill. This is an important step forward in Hong Kong, where the best schools are considered very prestigious and alumni networks are influential and proud.

Aubrey Tao, a 22-year-old former student, said that Ms. Lam had often quoted the school's slogan and that she hoped to show her that "as a Franciscan, you should not govern that way ".

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Aubrey Tao

But it was unauthorized protesters led by young people on Wednesday – and their ability to camp in numbers, to organize and force the hand of the police – which many see as a critical factor in forcing the government to stop and to take a break.

The general population could easily have condemned the students – as they had done in previous protests that became violent.

But it seems that this time, they felt that the police had gone too far.

During the clashes, the riot police fought back with rubber bullets, bean bag bullets and 150 rounds of tear gas, more than what was used during the 79 days of the Umbrella demonstration.

The police defended their approach, saying that it was necessary to react to "the riot" and that the demonstrators had attacked the police with bricks and iron poles.

Some protesters who spoke at the BBC also confirmed they saw bottles of water or sticks being thrown at the police by others.

Nevertheless, the sight of young protesters being sprayed with pepper and faced with large amounts of tear gas aroused the anger of the authorities – and Ms. Lam, who had defended the police.

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In a viral video, a middle-aged woman was seen shouting at police officers, reminding them "that you will be dads in the future".

After the clashes, religious groups went to join the protesters in the streets, singing "Hallelujah" to the police for hours.

And thousands of women gathered for a "mothers' rally", holding placards with slogans such as "do not shoot our children".

As the mood of the public intensified, former government officials began to express themselves, urging Ms. Lam not to rush the adoption of legislation at such a hectic time.

Even some legislators and pro-Peking officials began demanding a deadline, admitting that they had underestimated public reaction to the bill – an important answer in a legislature where only about half of the seats are elected directly by the public, and pro-Peking groups are meeting. the balance of power.

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Miss Lam announced Saturday that the bill would be suspended, but more and more people took to the streets on Sunday, demanding that it be fully withdrawn.

At Sunday's rally, some were demonstrating for the first time, claiming that they had come to take a stand against police violence and show their support for the young protesters.

What is clear is that the events have changed the perception of the demonstrations in Hong Kong.

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Tom says the anti-extradition movement "has broken the last 30 years of protest traditions".

"We would never have thought before that singing hymns in front of the police for hours, mothers gathered for a protest or reporters wearing their riot gear during a silent protest would have worked."

Ingrid, who claims to have had a tear gas for the first time in her life on Wednesday, described the experience of agony.

"It stung me, I could not see – and I was dressed in a dress and boots I did not know that the water was reacting with itching – so when I was took my shower, I really felt like I was in hell, she was burning, I never want to hear that noise again [of a gas canister] again."

And yet, she said that she would continue to protest.

"My concern about how this city that I call has become my home will far outweigh my fears for my personal safety."

The names have been changed.