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In the heady days that followed the signing of a peace agreement by Ethiopia and Eritrea a year ago, the Peace and Love Cafe of Teklit Amare, located near the new Border overflowing with customers.
Now he is pacing among the empty tables, wondering aloud how to keep his business open while optimism erases, the borders becoming sealed and hopes of progress dashed.
The border post of Zalambessa was closed at the end of last year without explanation, the leaders being silent. Other pbadages have done the same.
"When they closed the border so soon after opening it, it was the saddest moment," said Teklit, a former teacher who is now struggling to pay his rent.
The feeling is widely shared in Zalambessa, a town where damaged buildings highlight the damage caused by the border war between Ethiopia and Eritrea, which erupted in 1998 and left tens of thousands dead.
In the stalemate that followed the end of active hostilities in 2000, Zalambessa was almost abandoned, deprived of infrastructure and other investments.
"After the opening, it was obvious that everyone was happy, they want to exchange, have these relationships," said Hadush Desta, Zalambessa's top municipal official.
"But now, for no reason, it's closed, people are upset about it, they say," Why is this happening to us? "
"Devil in the details"
The opening of the border was only a decisive step forward in the very rapid rapprochement between Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, which began a little over a year ago.
Following Mr. Abiy's initial overtures, the two sides embarked on a rapid rapprochement of relations that surprised even the closest observers by reopening embbadies, resuming flights and holding meetings. In the region.
But the excitement of the agreement has given way to frustration – not just near the border.
For other purposes – from the conclusion of new trade agreements to the provision of access to Eritrean ports to Ethiopia – great initial hopes have remained unsuccessful.
The lack of communication from both governments makes it difficult to determine the stalemate of the peace process.
Abiy paid a two-day visit to Asmara last week and pledged to "strengthen" the peace process, but no details of their discussions have been provided.
"As we say, the devil is in the details, we do not know what is happening," said Abebe Aynete, a senior researcher based in Addis Ababa for the Ethiopian Foreign Relations and Strategic Studies think tank.
Many badysts and diplomats suspect Eritrea of being guilty of dragging their feet.
Opening up in Ethiopia would force Isaias to give up a control measure, which his critics say is unlikely to happen.
"I personally think that as long as the current group in Asmara will remain in power, I do not think the border will open and that the two countries will not continue their normal relations," said Mehari Tesfamichael, president of the movement. Opposition Eritrean Bright Future. .
The notorious Isaias iron fist government has long cited the stalemate with Ethiopia to justify tough policies such as compulsory national service, forcing citizens into specific low-wage jobs and banning them. to travel abroad.
Last October, the UN refugee agency reported a sevenfold increase in the number of refugees fleeing Eritrea after the opening of borders, with about 10,000 refugees registered in one month.
The peace agreement "left some hope that restrictions on national service would be lifted, but so far little change has been recorded" in Eritrea, Human Rights Watch said.
The misfortunes of Abiy
Ethiopia's domestic policy could also be part of the problem.
Abiy's ambitious reform agenda has run into obstacles, as evidenced by the badbadination of five government and military officials last month.
The changing landscape exacerbated tensions between Abiy and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), the party that dominates the Tigray region (north) and was the country's largest political force before the arrival in power of # 39; Aby.
The administration of the border areas with Ethiopia by Tigray means that the TPLF should be a major player in the normalization of relations with Eritrea, provided that it plays the game.
"Resolving border issues ideally requires the full cooperation of Tigray and TPLF, which is not what we currently have," said William Davison, senior badyst at the International Crisis Group.
"We have significant differences between the TPLF and its ruling coalition partners, as well as disputes between the Tigray region and the federal government in Addis."
& # 39; A better place & # 39;
However, observers believe that it is important not to lose sight of progress made.
"From the outset, we have to recognize that we are in a much better place than before the rapprochement, while the possibility of inter-state conflict was very high," said Michael Woldemariam, expert on the Horn. from Africa to Boston University.
Even at the border, the news is not all bad.
Although the Zalambessa crossing was completely closed in December, soldiers on both sides eased the restrictions. Ethiopian traders claim that some days they enter Eritrea unhindered, while others often manage to cross unofficial crossing points.
Back at the Peace and Love Cafe, owner Teklit said he was not leaving for the moment.
He said he is encouraged by the fact that relations between the two countries are still officially hot.
"There are rumors that the Eritrean government is repairing the road," he said. "This gives us hope that they could someday reopen again."
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