How not to fight against corruption

Between fighting corruption with his bare fingers in an inspired manner and wearing well stuffed gloves to pitilessly face a monster that literally paralyzed the country, the Buhari administration must decide what style to adopt. And since time is not on his side, it is better to do it now.

Although Buhari claims to fight corruption, the question is: how does he fight? It is true that the fight against corruption was at the center of his concerns in 2015 and he set up a think tank composed of experienced personalities and presented two innovative anti-corruption strategies that go in the same direction. But it is also true that, despite these supposedly virtuous ploys, corruption in various forms, propelled by its more virulent diabolical partner, impunity, still rages across the country.

A more impartial review of the current anti-corruption campaign would undoubtedly reveal a huge gap between government performance and perception. Such clumsy disproportions should not be the case in this case of continuing the anti-corruption war. What should be done, at least as a lasting indicator of the promised change, is that the perception of citizens would be broadly in line with the government aspect. In other words, the government should be perceived as truly undermining corruption and corrupt practices in the country. Unfortunately, this is not the case. The government says it is winning the war, but a large part of the population doubts this claim.

The problem is that the political will to fight corruption is itself seriously weakened by the corruption it faces. There is no way to defeat corruption when Buhari seems to engage with blinkers. In all honesty, his fight is childish; lacking all the firmness, the decision-making spirit and, more importantly, the impartiality required to ensure trust and confidence.

Given Buhari's reputation for harshness, who would have thought that reports of alleged corruption investigations would weigh on the desk of anyone who occupied the presidency or not for centuries, accumulating dust under Buhari's presidency? Has he suddenly forgotten that his main campaign against corruption until the end, not to mention its recognized integrity, is the main reason why the people elected him in 2015?

In October 2017, Abdulrasheed Maina, the official who had fled after being found wanted for corruption, suddenly surfaced and was reinstated and promoted to a higher position in the civil service. The news of the recall resonated throughout the country and is accompanied by a widespread condemnation. Apparently furious, Buhari ordered Winifred Oyo-Ita, head of the Federation's service, on October 23 to report on the circumstances of the dismissal of Maina from the office of Chief of Staff Abba Kyari before the end of May. month. That day. This report was actually presented at Abba Kyari's table before the end of the day.

In another six months, it will be two years since the report of this inquiry was received by the Chair. But, so far, no word from the Presidency has been transmitted regarding the report. It must be on the desk or the shelf of someone, perhaps submerged with webs of spiders. Nobody needs to know that this sends a bad message on the fight against corruption.

The fury of what the media aptly nicknamed "Mainagate" quickly spread to the National Assembly, where the House of Representatives launched its own investigation by setting up a 10-member ad hoc committee led by Aliyu Sani Madaki, member of APC ruling party in Kano. State. After two weeks, the committee tabled in plenary a report charging Abubakar Malami, Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice. According to the report, Maina's recall was "fraudulently organized" and Malami "pressured all that mattered" to compel him to return to service.

While the Senate was also embarking on an investigation into the scandal, Malami rushed to a court to stop the investigation, clearly showing that he had something to hide. But what do you do with the Attorney General, the main law officer of a country that held secret meetings with a wanted citizen outside the country? Ordinary, everyone would think that it's about a fugitive whose Malami should be extradited with all his might to perfect himself.

Even Itse Sagay, a law professor and chairman of the Presidential Committee Against Corruption (PACAC), was horrified by Malami's action and urged Buhari to do something about it. Nothing has happened. Not one person among all those who have been found guilty by the House of Representatives investigation into the reinstatement of a fugitive in the public service has been punished by this government. Abdulrahman Dambazau, Minister of the Interior, and the Permanent Secretary, from AGF to officials of the Federal Public Service Commission, are still sitting in their warm position, without anyone noticing consequences of such wrongdoing. Again, a false signal in the fight against corruption.

And there is another one. Moreover, in six months, it will be the first anniversary of the presidential announcement of the investigation into allegations of financial abuse and malfeasance against Usman Yusuf, professor and head of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS). ), by the Board of Governors. According to a presidential statement, Yusuf was ordered on 5 November 2018 to go on administrative leave to make room for an investigation by a panel of seven people led by Hbadan Bukar.

Although the jury had two weeks to submit its report to the Office of the Secretary of the Government of the Federation, the report was only released seven and a half weeks later, on December 24, 2018. It is now about four months ago. The report has been submitted, but we have never heard of it. Recently, a senior official at the SGF office said that the government was not able to publish the report because of the general elections that had just ended. Pray, what does the election have to do to make public the report of an investigation into allegations of corruption against the NHIS boss?

There are numerous allegations of corruption involving senior government officials, including those very close to the presidency, including a governor in office and even Buhari's chief of staff, where the president categorically refused to take action, or reluctantly after strong public indignation, in the case of a former secretary of the federal government, Babachir Lawal. This is certainly not the way citizens expect corruption to be fought around the world, let alone in Nigeria under Buhari's presidency.

Recently again, at the request of Ade Ipaye, deputy chief of staff, the Commission on Independent Corrupt Practices and Related Offenses (ICPC) sent Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo a preliminary report on his findings regarding allegations of corruption against Marilyn Amobi, Managing Director of Nigerian Bulk Electricity Trading Plc. (NBET). In his report of 6 March 2019 dated 6 March 2019, limited in his conclusions and conclusions, the head of NBET was indicted and declared that the Commission would prosecute him, as well as others, for violation of the Procurement. Act 2007 and ICPC Act 2000. Significantly, the report stated that two whistleblowers who had reported the bribery of Amobi – Waziri Bintube, former chief financial officer and Abdullahi Sambo, former audit manager, had been falsely dismissed.

Since December 2017, these officers have not received their salaries and allowances, even after Raji Fashola, Minister of Energy, Public Works and Housing, whose office oversees NBET, has ordered Amobi to reinstate the officers and pay their salaries and allowances. This is just one of the many instances of insubordination she showed to Fashola.

It has been more than five weeks since the presidency received the report of the Commission on the President of NBET, but nothing has been done. You would wonder why the chair is still sitting on this damning report. As a result, a truly committed anti-corruption government would prompt Amobi to step down from his position as Director General and encourage the Commission to prosecute. In addition, this government would also immediately order whistleblowers (Sambo and Waziri) to return to work and all unpaid wages paid without further delay.

It is clear that this government has understood, rightly, that it can never go forward significantly in the fight against corruption without the participation of citizens. This was undoubtedly at the origin of the introduction of the whistleblower policy in December 2016. Yet, it can not claim to seriously fight against corruption when whistleblowers are not protected; and so far, there is no demonstrable political will to hold criminals accountable.

Godwin Onyeacholem, a journalist, works at the African Center for Information and Media Literacy (AFRICMIL).