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This is my reasoned point of view and I insist that this particular electoral commission has started well. It ends, however, in a way that subjects the Commission to unnecessary public ridicule.
The preparations for the vote and the vote itself were both transparent and smooth. But the activities that followed after the vote, including the collection of results, the hard-line postures and the unprecedented mistakes that characterized virtually everything that was done, make the Commission a pale shadow of itself.
It is disconcerting to see how the Commission could not contextualize and qualify a simple letter of suspension both at a time when its activities were under control. They were wrong about the number of districts we have in Ghana in this version.
The admission of calculation errors in the publication of the final results revealed a certain predilection for speed rather than precision. The excuse for not giving any hearing to minority MPs, in these “abnormal times”, was fragile, not smart enough and only aggravated the antagonism against the Commission.
These can only stifle public confidence in the Commission and heighten the belief of some that the integrity of its verdict in the 2020 election has been compromised.
You do not protect institutional peace and do not resolve any conflict, when you create a problem, refuse to dialogue about how the problem can be solved and imply that whoever is affected could go to justice. You can’t just slap me in the face and tell me to go to court. It is a kind of impunity and it obviously annoys.
Despite these challenges, I always repeat my appeal to the NDC to act only within the bounds of our laws so as not to induce public disaffection with itself at low cost.
Protests must be peaceful, if the party still wants to do so. There should be no arson or destruction of property that could affect innocent people who voted for the party.
When the NPP relied excessively on its flagship Free SHS project in disregard of other key factors that could undermine their electoral fortunes, some of us predicted problems for them.
Social interventions are good, but they do not fully shape voters’ attitudes. Free projects that silence critics and implementers, create votes only in the minds of those who defend them.
Besides the inordinate hopes on the Free SHS program, the nuclear power plant has made and allowed too many mistakes.
These include greed, arrogance and corruption on the part of some appointees in an overburdened government, the antagonism of civil society, the ousting of Domelovo to the revulsion of CSOs and anti-corruption crusaders, the politically infantile movement to impose imposing parliamentarians. candidates over voters, the insincere and dishonest attempt to compare the achievements to a regime that the NPP had described as incompetent and had been monumentally defeated in previous elections, the last-minute asphalt fast road in some urban and peri-urban communities , the implementation of COVID relief social interventions like free water and free electricity for a certain category of consumers, which looked more like propaganda and voice-buying interventions, rather than outspoken pro-poor initiatives, as well as neglecting other key issues of concern to many Ghanaians.
These challenges naturally made the return of the NDC very attractive to many. This is why, long before the election, I predicted that the outcome of the 2020 election was going to be a victory with a taste of defeat, and a defeat with a taste of victory.
Clearly, the election results show that the NDC is a preponderant force to be reckoned with, which can deliver a similar defeat in 2016 to the NPP, if the NPP continues its politically suicidal mistakes.
But whether the NDC will live up to expectations in the next election, it depends on what it does today. Regardless of their paranoia, I continue to advocate for them to go to court and do nothing that takes away their public love and sympathy.
They must remember that, one of the factors that explained their monumental defeat in the 2016 election, was Akufo Addo’s response, after the 2012 election, which shifted the public perception of him from anarchy to someone who was willing to do it. allow due process.
The victory or defeat of a political party in any future election depends to a large extent on what it does today and how it chooses to express its dissatisfaction with the outcome of today’s elections. hui.
Those who do not want to hear from the lawyer for being ordered to go to court, must have some time to calm down and must be made to do some soul-searching as to what they want to do. If they choose to stay on the streets, that would be their democratic right.
But they must stay there peacefully and be aware that the unintended consequence of such a long peaceful stay on the streets would have a negative impact on the public’s affection for the party.
The outcome of the 2020 elections should be a clear call for the EC to improve its conduct, posture and relations with the NDC and, indeed, all political parties.
Otherwise, his security of tenure may remain only in theory. It is not necessary to offer advice to the nuclear power plant. Let them learn from the challenges described in this article and let the presidency and the center of government be led by a chief of staff with emphatic personality, independence of mind and pedigree, who can exercise control. smug about all appointees, and have the mental toughness to even tell the president when he’s wrong, while remaining extremely loyal to him.
Dan Kweku Botwe, should be able to do it for a huge impact.
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